Judge Susan Brnovich – Nominee to the U.S. District Court for the District of Arizona

Judge Susan Brnovich, a well-respected state judge in Arizona, has been nominated to the federal bench upon the recommendation of Arizona’s Republican senators.  It is a promotion she is likely to get.

Background

Brnovich was born Susan Marie Skibba in 1968 in Madison, WI.  Brnovich graduated from the University of Wisconsin in 1990 and then jointly attended the University of Wisconsin Law School and Graduate School, getting a J.D. and an M.S. in Business in 1994.[1]

After graduation, Brnovich spent a year working as a bartender at an Applebee’s in Tempe, Arizona. She then joined the Maricopa County Attorney’s Office as a Deputy County Attorney.[2]  In 2003, she joined the Maricopa County Superior Court as a Commissioner, handling certain uncontested cases and other assigned matters.[3]  In 2009, Brnovich was appointed to the Court as a Superior Court Judge by Democratic Governor Janet Napolitano.[4]  She continues to serve on that Court.

In 2012, Brnovich applied for appointment to the Arizona Supreme Court, for the vacancy opened by the elevation of Justice Andrew Hurwitz to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit.[5]  Brnovich was not selected as one of the three finalists, and the seat went to Arizona Court of Appeals Judge Ann Scott Timmer.

History of the Seat

Brnovich has been nominated for a seat on the U.S. District Court for the District of Arizona.  This seat opened on July 5, 2016, when Judge Neil Vincent Wake moved to senior status.  As the seat opened with only six months left in President Obama’s presidency, no nomination was ever made to fill the seat.

In early 2017, Brnovich applied for the judgeship with a selection committee put together by Senators John McCain and Jeff Flake.[6]  She then interviewed with the committee in March and was selected unanimously as a finalist for the District Court, alongside five other candidates.[7]

Brnovich interviewed with the White House Counsel’s Office in April 2017.[8]  President Trump nominated her on January 24, 2018.[9]

Legal Career

Brnovich has spent her entire pre-bench legal career as a Deputy County Attorney for Maricopa County.  As a state prosecutor, Brnovich gained experience working with misdemeanors, felonies, and domestic violence cases.[10]  During her seven years as a prosecutor, Brnovich tried 49 jury trials and one bench trial.[11]

Notably, Brnovich prosecuted and secured the death penalty against a father who burned his two year old daughter to death.[12]  She also prosecuted Scottsdale abortion doctor Dr. John Biskind for the death of one of his patients after a ruptured uterus sustained during an abortion.[13]  The doctor was found guilty of manslaughter and sentenced to five years in prison.[14]

Jurisprudence and Reversals

Brnovich has served as a Superior Court judge since her appointment in 2009.  In this role, she serves as a primary trial judge, supervising criminal and civil cases.  Over the last nine years, Brnovich has presided over approximately 100 trials, including approximately 70 jury trials.[15]  Among her more notable decisions, Brnovich sentenced a man convicted of beating an 81-year-old monk to death to 21 years in prison,[16] tossed a Republican state legislative candidate off the ballot due to the failure to submit enough valid signatures,[17] and reversed the indictment of a Phoenix man charged with live streaming the rape of a passed-out woman, finding that the prosecution had erred by informing the grand jury that the defendant had exercised his right to remain silent.[18]

Over the course of her nine year tenure on the state bench, Brnovich has been reversed by higher courts in five cases.[19]  Of those five reversals, in two cases, Brnovich’s rulings on issues of family support in divorce cases were reversed by the Arizona Court of Appeals.[20]  Another two cases involved reversals of convictions based on trial errors made by Brnovich.[21]  The final case reversed a sentence granted by Brnovich based on a subsequent superseding precedent that changed the law.[22]

Political Activity

Brnovich has a fairly limited political history, having donated to the Arizona Republican Party once in 2002.[23]

In 2014, while Brnovich was a sitting state judge, her husband Mark ran for and won the election to be Arizona’s Attorney General.  During the election, Brnovich refrained from campaigning on behalf of her husband but did attend some election events and appeared in a campaign video.[24]

Overall Assessment

Looking at Brnovich’s overall record, it is unlikely that she will face much opposition in the confirmation process.  With almost a decade on the state court bench and a dozen years of legal experience before, she is unquestionably qualified for a federal appointment.  Furthermore, her record on the state bench is fairly uncontroversial and she has shown a willingness to rule against Republican interests.  It is also unlikely that her prosecution of Dr. Biskind will be used against her, as her prosecution was based, not on the abortion itself, but on the lack of medical treatment offered to the patient.  Furthermore, as a line prosecutor, Brnovich was likely not the last word on charging decisions in high profile cases.

Given these factors, Brnovich should be confirmed fairly comfortably, adding another conservative voice to the Arizona federal bench.


[1] Sen. Comm. on the Judiciary, 115th Cong., Susan Brnovich: Questionnaire for Judicial Nominees 1.

[2] Id. at 2.

[3] Id.

[4] Id.

[5] Gary Grado, Arizona Supreme Court Vacancy Attracts 14 Applicants, The Arizona Capitol Times, July 19, 2012.

[6] Brnovich, supra n. 1 at 26.

[7] Jeremy Duda, The Flake and McCain Seal of Approval, Yellow Sheet Report, Apr. 24, 2017.

[8] See Brnovich, supra n. 1 at 26.

[9] Press Release, White House, President Donald J. Trump Announces Tenth Wave of Judicial Candidates (Feb. 12, 2018) (on file at https://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2017/07/13/president-donald-j-trump-announces-tenth-wave-judicial-candidates).  

[10] See Brnovich, supra n. 1 at 18-19.

[11] Id. at 19.

[12] State v. Grell, CR1999-095294 (Ariz. Super. Ct.).

[13] State v. Biskind, CR1999-000198 (Ariz. Super. Ct.).

[14] Scottsdale Abortion Doctor Sentenced to Five Years in Prison, Arizona Daily Sun, May 4, 2001, http://azdailysun.com/scottsdale-abortion-doctor-sentenced-to-five-years-in-prison/article_d08ec172-9b1c-55da-9a1f-b94c9f9ada55.html.  

[15] See Brnovich, supra n. 1 at 8.

[16] Mike Sakal, 21 Years for Man Convicted of Mesa Assault, Attempted Murder of Former Monk, East Valley Tribune, Feb. 27, 2012.

[17] Ben Giles, Judge Tosses Begody-Begay From Election Ballot, Arizona Capital Times, June 24, 2016.

[18] Gary Grado, Judge: Rape Suspect’s Rights Violated, East Valley Tribune, Jan. 30, 2010.

[19] Brnovich, supra n. 1 at 15-16.

[20] See Egizii v. Egizii, No. 1 CA-CV 17-0199 (Ariz. Ct. App. Apr. 12, 2018) (reversing and remanding for specific finding on how parties are to split the proceeds from the sale of the home); In re Marriage of Gersten, 219 P.3d 309 (Ariz. Ct. App. 2009) (reversing rulings on child support).

[21] See State v. Stuart, No. 1 CA-CR 12-0340 (Ariz. Ct. App. Aug. 13, 2013) (reversing conviction due to improper expert testimony); State v. Bunting, 250 P.3d 1201 (Ariz. Ct. App. 2011) (reversing conviction based on improper colloquy as part of defendant’s waiver of jury rights).

[22] State v. Thomas, No. 1 CA-CR 11-0250 (Ariz. Ct. App. July 12, 2012).

[24] See Brnovich, supra n. 1 at 17.

Eric Tostrud – Nominee to the U.S. District Court for the District of Minnesota

Eric Tostrud, a Minneapolis based attorney and law professor, is part of a package deal of nominees made between the Trump Administration and Minnesota’s Democratic senators.  Like his fellow nominee Nancy Brasel, Tostrud should be seen as a consensus nominee.

Background

A native Minnesotan, Eric Christian Tostrud was born in St. Paul on June 14, 1965.  Tostrud received his B.A. cum laude from St. Olaf College in 1987 and then a J.D. summa cum laude from the William Mitchell College of Law in St. Paul.[1]

After graduation, Tostrud clerked for Judge Edward Devitt on the U.S. District Court for the District of Minnesota and Judge George MacKinnon on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit. In 1992, he joined the Minneapolis office of Lockridge Grindal Nauen PLLP as an Associate.[2]  He was made a Partner at the firm in 1998, and became Of Counsel in 2014.[3]  He continues to practice as Of Counsel at Lockridge to this day.[4]

In 1993, Tostrud began teaching at Mitchell Hamline School of Law (formerly William Mitchell, his alma mater) as an Adjunct Professor.[5]  His title became Distinguished Practitioner in Residence in 2015.[6]  Additionally, Tostrud has been an Adjunct Professor at the University of Minnesota Law School since 2011.[7]

History of the Seat

Tostrud has been nominated for a seat on the U.S. District Court for the District of Minnesota.  This seat opened on October 31, 2016, when Judge Donovan Frank moved to senior status.  As the seat opened with only three months left in President Obama’s presidency, no nomination was ever made to fill the seat.

In November 2016, Tostrud applied for the judgeship with Minnesota Senator Amy Klobuchar (D-Minn).[8]  In January 2017, he also applied to the parallel application process conducted by Rep. Erik Paulsen (R-Minn).[9]  His name was submitted by Paulsen to the White House in June.

Meanwhile, Klobuchar (D-Minn) and the Trump Administration began negotiations over two vacancies on the U.S. District Court.  They ultimately agreed on Tostrud, Paulsen’s candidate, and Minneapolis Judge Nancy Brasel, who was supported by Klobuchar.[10]  President Trump announced both Brasel and Tostrud on July 13, 2017.[11]

Legal Career

Other than his clerkships and his position as a law professor, Tostrud has spent his entire legal career at the same firm: Lockridge Grindal Nauen PLLP (Lockridge).  At the firm, Tostrud worked in complex civil litigation, focusing on the Employee Retirement Income Security Act of 1974 (ERISA).[12]  Notably, Tostrud represented the Hartford Life & Accident Insurance Co. in defending many ERISA claims.[13]

In another notable case, Tostrud represented many hospitals in defending against antitrust claims brought by a group of nurse-anesthetists, successfully moving for summary judgment and defending the judgement on appeal.[14] In another case, Tostrud successfully defended against a class action suit alleging failure to provide insurance discounts.[15]

Since 2014, Tostrud has been a full-time law professor, teaching Federal Civil Procedure, Advanced Civil Procedure, and Electronic Discovery at Mitchell Hamline School of Law.[16]  Additionally, he has taught Federal Jurisdiction at the University of Minnesota Law School.[17]

Political Activity

Tostrud has had a close relationship with Paulsen, having served as his Finance Chairman on his state legislative and congressional campaigns.[18]  He has also been a generous donor to other Republicans, giving $10,000 to the Republican Party of the 3rd Congressional District of Minnesota in 2016, as well as donating to former Speaker John Boehner and Sen. Marco Rubio.[19]  However, Tostrud also donated $1000 to Sen. John Kerry (D-Mass.) in 2003.[20]

Writings

In 2001, Tostrud authored a letter to the editor for the Minnesota Lawyer discussing the Supreme Court’s recent 5-4 decision in Board of Trustees of the University of Alabama, et al. v. Garrett et al.[21]  The decision had held that the Eleventh Amendment barred citizens from suing states for violations of the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA).  In the letter, Tostrud is critical of the decision.[22]  Specifically, he notes that the decision is contrary to the plain text of the Eleventh Amendment, stating:

“When the Supreme Court openly disregards the actual words of the Constitution to reach an outcome, the consequences can be grave.”[23]

Overall Assessment

As with his paired nominee, Nancy Brasel, Tostrud is a consensus nominee.  While Tostrud has a longer record of political donation and activity than Brasel, it is important to note that political activity should not, in and of itself, disqualify nominees for the bench.  Furthermore, Tostrud has the support of Klobuchar, who is well respected on both sides of the aisle, and who will help him navigate the confirmation thicket.

If confirmed, Tostrud will likely be a moderate-conservative jurist.  Looking at his 2001 letter to the editor, Tostrud appears to advocate a focus on the “plain text” of the Constitution in interpretation, an approach generally identified with conservatives.  However, the letter itself applies that interpretation to support a “liberal” result, and one advocated by the Supreme Court’s liberal dissenters.  This suggests, not necessarily that Tostrud is a liberal or a conservative, but rather that his focus is on getting the law correct, rather than the outcome.

Given these factors, Tostrud should be comfortably confirmed alongside Brasel, restoring the Court to full strength.


[1] Sen. Comm. on the Judiciary, 115th Cong., Eric Tostrud: Questionnaire for Judicial Nominees 1.

[2] Id. at 2.

[3] Id.

[4] Id.

[5] Id.

[6] Id.

[7] Id.

[8] Id. at 32.

[9] Id.

[10] Stephen Montemayor, White House Moves Closer to Filling Minnesota’s U.S. Attorney, Federal Judge Openings, Minneapolis Star Tribune, Dec. 14, 2017, http://www.startribune.com/white-house-moves-closer-to-filling-minnesota-s-u-s-attorney-federal-judge-openings/464179853/.  

[11] Press Release, White House, President Donald J. Trump Announces Eleventh Wave of Judicial Candidates (Feb. 12, 2018) (on file at https://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2017/07/13/president-donald-j-trump-announces-eleventh-wave-judicial-candidates).  

[12] See Tostrud, supra n. 1 at 15-16.

[13] See, e.g., Feller v. Hartford Life & Accident Ins. Co., 817 F. Supp. 2d 1097 (S.D.Iowa 2010); Meylor v. Hartford Life & Accident Ins. Co., 444 F. Supp. 2d 963 (N.D. Iowa 2006); Sloan v. Hartford Life & Accident Ins. Co., 433 F. Supp. 2d 1037 (D.N.D. 2006); Dorholt v. Hartford Life & Accident Ins. Co., 417 F. Supp. 2d 1094 (D. Minn. 2006); Lao v. Hartford Life & Accident Ins. Co., 319 F. Supp. 2d 955 (D. Minn. 2004); Estate of Bruce Haag v. Hartford Life & Accident Ins. Co., 188 F. Supp. 2d 1135 (D. Minn. 2002); Vesaas v. Hartford Life & Accident Ins. Co., 981 F. Supp. 1196 (D. Minn. 1996).

[14] See Minn. Assoc. Of Nurse Anesthetists v. Unity Hosp., et al., 208 F.3d 655 (8th Cir. 2000), aff’ing, 5 F. Supp. 2d 694 (D. Minn. 1998).

[15] Palmer v. Illinois Farmers Ins. Co., 820 F. Supp. 2d 1004 (D. Minn. 2011), aff’d, 666 F.3d 1081 (8th Cir. 2012).

[16] Tostrud, supra n. 1 at 29-30.

[17] Id. at 29.

[18] See S.T., At the Races, Roll Call, Jan. 15, 2008.

[20] See id.

[21] Eric Tostrud, Commentary on Recent Supreme Court Decision, The Minnesota Lawyer, Mar. 26, 2001.

[22] See id. 

[23] Id.

Judge Nancy Brasel – Nominee to the U.S. District Court for the District of Minnesota

Judge Nancy Brasel, a well-respected state jurist in Minnesota, is part of a package deal of nominees made between the Trump Administration and Minnesota’s Democratic senators.  Her moderate record and uncontroversial background should net her a comfortable confirmation.

Background

Brasel was born Nancy Ellen Notebook in Durham in the United Kingdom on January 20, 1969.  Brasel attended Trinity University in San Antonio and then received a Master of Arts from the University of Texas at Austin.  Brasel then attended the University of Minnesota Law School, graduating in 1996.[1]

After graduation, Brasel clerked for Judge Donald Lay on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eighth Circuit. She then joined the Minneapolis office of Leonard Street and Deinard as an associate.[2]  In 1999, she joined Greene Espel PLLP as a member and became a partner in 2002.[3]  In 2008, Brasel left the firm to become a federal prosecutor with the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the District of Minnesota.[4]

In 2011, Democratic Governor Mark Dayton appointed Brasel to a seat on the 4th Judicial District of Minnesota, which covers Hennepin County (Minneapolis).[5]  She continues to serve on that court to this day.

History of the Seat

Brasel has been nominated for a seat on the U.S. District Court for the District of Minnesota.  This seat opened on May 31, 2016, when Judge Ann Montgomery moved to senior status.  As the seat opened with only seven months left in President Obama’s presidency, no nomination was ever made to fill the seat.  In early 2017, Brasel applied for the judgeship with Rep. Erik Paulsen (R-Minn).[6]

Meanwhile, Minnesota Senator Amy Klobuchar (D-Minn) and the Trump Administration began negotiations over two vacancies on the U.S. District Court.  They ultimately agreed on Brasel, Klobuchar’s candidate, and Minneapolis attorney Eric Tostrud, who was supported by Paulsen.[7]  President Trump announced both Brasel and Tostrud on July 13, 2017.[8]

Legal Career

After her clerkship with the strongly liberal Lay, Brasel worked as an associate at Leonard, Street & Deinard, where she defended employers in employment law, discrimination, and sexual harassment cases.  For example, Brasel helped a defendant employer against an action for “negligent infliction of emotional distress” brought by a former employee.[9]

In 1999, Brasel moved to Greene Espell PLLP, handling more complex litigation including securities actions.  While at the firm, Brasel defended fourteen Northern Minnesota cities being sued for fraud based on representations related to municipal bonds, successfully settling the case.[10]  She also represented Deloitte on appeal in defending a negligent misrepresentation action.[11]

In 2008, Brasel became a federal prosecutor for the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the District of Minnesota, handling white collar crime and narcotics cases.[13]  Notably, she  prosecuted 23 defendants for drug trafficking based on evidence from wiretaps, leading to guilty pleas from all defendants.[14]

Jurisprudence and Reversals

Brasel has served as a District Court judge in Minneapolis since her appointment in 2011.  In this role, she serves as a primary trial judge, supervising criminal and civil cases.  Over the last six years, Brasel has presided over approximately 75 trials, including approximately 25 jury trials.[15]  Brasel’s more prominent trials include a breach of contract case regarding commercial flooring,[16] the termination of parental rights in a case where the father had killed one of his children,[17] and a challenge to the warrantless collection of a urine sample by a DUI defendant.[18]

Over the course of her seven year tenure on the state bench, Brasel has been reversed by higher courts in five cases.[19]  Of those five reversals, in two cases, Brasel’s grants of summary judgment to the defendant were reversed by a higher court.[20]  Another two reversals were in criminal cases, reversing a conviction[21] and a sentence[22] respectively on appeals from defendants.  The final case reversed the grant of a motion to suppress by Brasel.[23]

Political Activity

Other than her nonpartisan election campaign in 2012, Brasel has a relatively limited political history.  She has never participated in political campaigns and has only two political contributions of record: both to Klobuchar.[24]

Writings

In 2002, Brasel authored an article discussing Minnesota’s Private Attorney General statute as it relates to fraud cases.[25]  Specifically, she discussed a then-recent Minnesota Supreme Court decision that limited private attorney general cases to those that conferred a “public benefit.”  In reviewing the statute’s text, legislative history, and purpose, as well as similar statutes in other states, Brasel suggested two factors that could determine “public benefit,” whether the attorney general had authority to bring the suit, and the number of consumers affected by the defendant’s actions.[26]

Overall Assessment

Among the pool of Trump nominees, Brasel is a fairly consensus pick.  Appointed to the state bench by a Democrat and recommended by another, Brasel also has a mainstream record on the state bench, and an uncontroversial background.

Given these factors, Brasel should be confirmed with bipartisan support this year, lending relief to an overworked federal bench in Minnesota.


[1] Sen. Comm. on the Judiciary, 115th Cong., Nancy Brasel: Questionnaire for Judicial Nominees 1.

[2] Id.

[3] Id.

[4] Id.

[5] Dan Heilman, Minnesota Gov. Dayton Fills Judge Slots; Most From Public Sector, The Minnesota Lawyer, Sept. 16, 2011.

[6] Brasel, supra n. 1 at 35.

[7] Stephen Montemayor, White House Moves Closer to Filling Minnesota’s U.S. Attorney, Federal Judge Openings, Minneapolis Star Tribune, Dec. 14, 2017, http://www.startribune.com/white-house-moves-closer-to-filling-minnesota-s-u-s-attorney-federal-judge-openings/464179853/.  

[8] Press Release, White House, President Donald J. Trump Announces Eleventh Wave of Judicial Candidates (Feb. 12, 2018) (on file at https://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2017/07/13/president-donald-j-trump-announces-eleventh-wave-judicial-candidates).  

[9] See Riebhoff v. Cenex/Land O’Lakes Agronomy Co., 1998 Minn. App. LEXIS 1408 (Minn. Ct. App. Dec. 29, 1998).

[10] Franklin High-Yield Tax-Free Income Fund v. City of Baudette, et al., No. 98-CV-1576, 1999 WL 33912055 (D. Minn. Sept. 13, 1999).

[11] Crest Group, Inc. v. Deloitte & Touche, LLP., No. 27-CV-03-005617 (Minn. Ct. App. Sept. 25, 2007).

[12] See id.

[13] Brasel, supra n. 1 at 26.

[14] United States v. Abdul-Ahad, No. 08-CR-142 (D. Minn. Oct. 27, 2008).

[15] See Brasel, supra n. 1 at 9.

[16] Building Restoration Corp. v. B&B Companies, Inc., No. 27-CV-15-21845.

[17] In the Matter of the Welfare of the Children of C.A.P., Nos. 27-JV-14-7814 and 27-JV-16-1631.

[18] State v. Taylor, No. 27-CR-12-8310.

[19] Brasel, supra n. 1 at 22.

[20] See Bray v. Starbucks Corp., No. 27-CV-16-3979 (Minn. Dist. Ct. Mar. 24, 2017), aff’d in part, rev’d in part, No. A17-0823 (Minn. Ct. App. Dec. 26, 2017) (reversing grant of summary judgment on public accommodation claim); Tap House Restaurant v. Cassidy Turley Comm. Real Estate Serv., No. 27-CV-16-7177, rev’d, No. A17-0774 (Minn. Ct. App. Dec. 11, 2017).

[21] State v. Witherspoon, No. 27-CR-11-28854, rev’d, No. A12-1247 (Minn. Ct. App. July 1, 2013) (reversing conviction for second degree riot based on sufficiency of the evidence).

[22] State v. Charette, No. 27-CR-11-28468, aff’d in part, rev’d in part, No. A12-1541 (Minn. Ct. App., Sept. 3, 2013) (reversing for resentencing).

[23] State v. Harrington, No. 27-CR-11-28655, rev’d, No. A17-0774 (Minn. Ct. App. Dec. 11, 2017).

[25] Nancy E. Brasel, Recent Decisions of the Minnesota Supreme Court: Ad Hoc Deceptions in Private Disputes: When Does a Private Plaintiff Confer a Public Benefit Under Minnesota’s Private Attorney General Statute, 29 Wm. Mitchell L. Rev. 321 (2002).

[26] See id. at 341.

Wendy Vitter – Nominee to the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Louisiana

Before her nomination to a federal judgeship, Wendy Vitter was perhaps best known in connection to her husband, former Senator and Congressman David Vitter.  In particular, Wendy was remembered for her participation in a press conference during the D.C. Madam scandal in 2007.[1]  Now a nominee to a federal judgeship, Vitter faces new scrutiny on her professional record and public views.

Background

Vitter was born Wendy Lee Freret Baldwin in 1961 in New Orleans.  Vitter attended Sam Houston State University, graduating in 1982.[2]  She then worked as a substitute teacher and Exercise Instructor for a few months before joining Tulane University Law School, graduating with a J.D. in 1986.[3]

After graduation, Vitter joined the Orleans Parish District Attorney’s Office as an Assistant District Attorney.[4]  In 1989, she was elevated to become Deputy Chief of Trials and in 1990, she became the Chief of Trials.[5]  In 1992, Vitter joined Abbott & Meeks as an associate.

Vitter left Abbott & Meeks in 1993 and stayed out of the workforce for the next 19 years, supporting her husband as he ran for the state legislature, the U.S. House, and the Senate.  In 2007, both Vitters burst onto the political news scene under less than ideal circumstances, when the Senator’s phone number was uncovered in a sting of the D.C. Madam (a woman charged with running a high-end brothel).[6]  In a high profile news conference, Vitter stood by her husband and assured reporters that she was “proud to be Wendy Vitter.”[7]  Ultimately, the allegations did not affect David Vitter’s 2010 re-election campaign, although some alleged that they helped to sink his gubernatorial campaign in 2015.[8]

In 2012, Vitter rejoined legal practice as a Project Director at The Roman Catholic Archdiocese of New Orleans.[9]  In 2013, she became General Counsel to the Archdiocese.[10]  She continues to work there to this day.

History of the Seat

Vitter has been nominated for a vacancy on the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Louisiana.  This seat was opened by Judge Helen Ginger Berrigan’s move to senior status on August 23, 2016.  While Berrigan, a left-leaning judge, retired under a Democratic president, the Obama Administration did not put forward a nominee for the vacancy.

Shortly after the election of President Donald Trump, Vitter reached out to Louisiana Senators Bill Cassidy and John Kennedy to express her interest in a federal judgeship.[11]  On April 7, 2017, Vitter interviewed with the White House Counsel’s Office.[12]  In June 2017, Vitter interviewed with a judicial selection committee created by Cassidy, and was selected as a nominee in September 2017.[13]  Vitter was officially nominated on January 23, 2018.[14]

Legal Experience

Vitter began her legal career as a prosecutor in New Orleans under District Attorney Harry Connick Sr.  While she started in juvenile courts, Vitter worked her way up to becoming Chief of Trials, trying over one hundred cases in her five years as a prosecutor.[15]  Among the cases she worked on, Vitter prosecuted Marcus Hamilton for the brutal murder of Father Patrick McCarthy.[16]  During the trial, Hamilton argued that he had killed McCarthy in response to repeated sexual advances made by McCarthy against him.[17]  Despite the argument, Vitter was able to secure the death penalty against Hamilton, which was upheld by the Louisiana Supreme Court.[18]  Vitter also prosecuted the first capital case in Louisiana where DNA evidence was introduced at trial.[19]

In 1992, Vitter moved to the firm Abbott & Meeks, handling maritime litigation, product liability, and class actions in federal court.[20]  However, she left this position approximately a year later.[21]

In 2013, Vitter rejoined the workforce as General Counsel to the Archdiocese of New Orleans.[22]

In this position, Vitter advises the Archdiocese on legal matters, including compliance with employment laws, the Americans with Disabilities Act, wage and hour regulations, and other laws.[23]  She also represents the Archdiocese in state court and before federal agencies.[24]

Political Activity & Speeches

Perhaps unsurprisingly, given Vitter’s marriage to a politician, she has an extensive history of political activity, including over 120 public appearances campaigning for her husband.[25]  Vitter has also served as an unofficial advisor in all of her husband’s campaigns.[26]  She has also donated to the Presidential campaign of former Senator Phil Gramm.[27]

Vitter has been active in the pro-life movement, serving as Honorary Chair for the Notre Dame Seminary Priests for Life luncheon in 2013 and getting the Proudly Pro-Life Award from the New Orleans Right to Life Educational Foundation for her efforts.[28]  In early March, the Alliance for Justice reported that Vitter’s judiciary questionnaire had omitted some of her pro-life activism, specifically two speeches, and participation in a panel.[29]  In the panel in question, Vitter advocated the work of fellow panelist Angela Lanfranchi, and encouraged attendees to pick up and use Lanfranchi’s brochure, The Pill Kills.[30]  The brochure in question suggests that

“women on the contraceptive pill are more likely to die a violent death, because they are more likely to cheat on their male partners, to face fertility problems, to have unhealthy children, and to have poor relationships to their partners” and that this would “influence rates of intimate partner violence.”[31]

Overall Assessment

In opposing judicial nominees, senators generally raise one or more of the following allegations: lack of experience; lack of integrity; and lack of impartiality.  In Vitter’s case, critics may potentially raise all three points against her.  We will evaluate each argument in turn to judge its plausibility and persuasiveness.

Firstly, critics may argue that Vitter lacks the requisite experience to be a federal judge.  The ABA requires a minimum of twelve years of legal practice to be qualified for a federal judicial appointment.  Vitter practiced as a state prosecutor for five years, in private practice for one year, and then as General Counsel for five years, leaving her narrowly short of the ABA’s requirements.  More concerning than the inability to meet the ABA standard, however, is the fact that Vitter’s federal court experience is extremely limited, with Vitter having practiced in federal court only for a year.  Furthermore, none of the matters she worked on during this year, by her own views, were significant enough to warrant inclusion in her Senate Judiciary Questionnaire.

In response, Vitter’s supporters can argue that she has handled over one hundred criminal trials in state court, and numerous civil proceedings as General Counsel.  Furthermore, they can argue that Vitter’s extensive experience in capital cases is particularly apposite to federal court work, as capital cases are notoriously complex and involve intimate knowledge of both facts and law.  As such, they would argue that she is qualified for the federal trial bench.

Secondly, Vitter’s critics may echo the arguments made by the Alliance for Justice, arguing that her failure to properly disclose all of her speeches and panels suggests a willful attempt to deceive the Judiciary Committee.  However, it is important to note that Vitter disclosed over one hundred speeches over a eighteen year period, making it fairly unlikely that the disclosure of 2-3 additional speeches would have been deemed dispositive.  It is far more likely that the speeches were overlooked rather than deliberately omitted.

Thirdly, Vitter’s critics may argue that her long history of partisan advocacy and of pro-life activism suggests an inability to enforce precedents favorable to abortion rights.  They may also argue that Vitter’s endorsement of Lanfranchi’s claims about contraception reflects her embrace of ideology over facts.  Assuming that Vitter, as numerous nominees before her have, will assure the Committee of her commitment to precedent and her understanding that Roe v. Wade is the law of the land, Vitter’s backers will likely point to such a commitment as evidence of her ultimate fidelity to the law rather than to her ideology.  They may also attempt to argue, as they have done with others, that attacking Vitter for her pro-life ideology amounts to an attack on her faith.

In looking over the arguments above, it is unlikely that Vitter will be deemed a “consensus” nominee.  However, she is still favored for confirmation for two reasons.  First, the Republican Judiciary Committee senator most likely to turn against a Trump nominee, Sen. John Kennedy, is solidly behind Vitter.  Second, given that many of the senators on both sides of the aisle served with Vitter’s husband, it would be particularly awkward for them to block Vitter’s path to the federal bench.  Relationships are still important in Washington, and as such, Vitter may fare better than a different nominee sharing her background and views.


[1] Griffin Connolly, Vitter’s Wife Nominated by Trump for Federal Judgeship in Louisiana, Roll Call, Jan. 24, 2018, https://www.rollcall.com/news/politics/vitters-wife-nominated-trump-federal-judgeship-louisiana

[2] Sen. Comm. on the Judiciary, 115th Cong., Wendy Vitter.: Questionnaire for Judicial Nominees 1.

[3] Id.

[4] See id. at 2.

[5] Id.

[6] Dana Milbank, Sex and the Conservative, Wash. Post, July 17, 2007.

[7] Id.

[8] Chris Cillizza, Why Did David Vitter’s Prostitute Problem Kill Him in 2015 and Not in 2010?, Wash. Post, Nov. 23, 2015, https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/the-fix/wp/2015/11/23/why-did-david-vitters-prostitution-problem-kill-him-in-2015-and-not-in-2010/?utm_term=.5a8c2d0dddc4.  

[9] Id.

[10] Id.

[11] Id. at 41.

[12] Id.

[13] Id.

[14] Press Release, White House, President Donald J. Trump Announces Tenth Wave of Judicial Candidates (January 23, 2018) (on file at www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office).  

[15] See Vitter, supra n. 2 at 30-31.

[16] See State v. Marcus Hamilton, 681 So.2d 1217 (La. 1996).

[17] See id. at 1221.

[18] Id. at 1229.

[19] See State v. Steven Quatrevingt, 670 So.2d 197 (La. 1996).

[20] See Vitter, supra n. 2 at 31.

[21] Id. 

[22] Id. 

[23] See id.

[24] See id.

[25] See Vitter, supra n. 2 at 8-25.

[26] Id. at 29.

[28] See Vitter, supra n. 2 at 4.

[29] See Drew Broach, Wendy Vitter’s Nomination Falls Under New Scrutiny For Questionnaire Omissions, New Orleans Times Picayune, Mar. 2, 2018, http://www.nola.com/national_politics/2018/03/wendy_vitter_omissions_judicia.html.

[30] Carter Sherman and Taylor Dolven, A Trump Judge Pick Left Anti-Abortion Speeches Off Her Senate Disclosure Form, Vice News, Mar. 1, 2018, https://news.vice.com/en_us/article/vbpndy/a-trump-judge-pick-left-anti-abortion-speeches-off-her-senate-disclosure-form.  

[31] Id. (quoting The Pill Kills).

Judge Robert Summerhays – Nominee for the U.S. District Court for the Western District of Louisiana

Like Dan Domenico and Dominic Lanza before him, Judge Robert Summerhays is a Trump district court nominee who was originally considered for the Court of Appeals.  While Summerhays was ultimately not selected for the Fifth Circuit (the Administration chose Kyle Duncan), he is now pending appointment to the Western District of Louisiana.

Background

Robert Rees Summerhays was born on September 10, 1965 in Fort Worth, Texas.  Summerhays attended the University of Texas at Austin, graduating with high honors in 1989, and then joined the U.S. General Accounting Office in Dallas as an evaluator.[1]

After two years in Dallas, Summerhays enrolled at the University of Texas at Austin Law School, graduating with high honors in 1994.[2]  He then clerked for Judge Eugene Davis on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit.[3]  After his clerkship, Summerhays joined the Dallas office of Weil, Gotshal & Manges LLP as an associate.  In 2003, he became a partner at the firm.[4]

In 2006, Summerhays was named a Bankruptcy Judge on the U.S. Bankruptcy Court for the Western District of Louisiana.[5]  He still serves on that court today.  He also served as Chief Bankruptcy Judge from 2009 to 2017.[6]

History of the Seat

Summerhays has been nominated to fill a vacancy on the U.S. District Court for the Western District of Louisiana.  The Western District is facing a vacancy crisis, with four of the seven allotted judgeships for the District currently vacant, and only two nominees pending.[7]  This crisis was exacerbated by the Republican Senate’s failure to confirm any Obama nominations to Louisiana seats in the 114th Congress.

The vacancy Doughty has been nominated to fill opened on June 5, 2017, when Judge Rebecca Doherty moved to senior status.  However, Summerhays was actually recommended by Louisiana senators Bill Cassidy and John Kennedy for appointment to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit seat vacated by Judge Eugene Davis.[8]  In his interview with the White House, Summerhays expressed his willingness to take a District Court appointment if the White House chose not to nominate him for the Court of Appeals.[9]  Sure enough, the Trump Administration nominated conservative lawyer Kyle Duncan for the Fifth Circuit and tapped Summerhays for the Western District.

Legal Experience

After his clerkship, Summerhays joined the Dallas office of Weil, Gotshal & Manges LLP, working in complex commercial litigation and securities litigation.[10]  Among the more prominent cases he handled at the time, Summerhays represented Ernst & Young in defending against a securities class actions suit, managing the litigation until the ultimate dismissal by Judge Sam Lindsay.[11]  He also represented the plaintiff in a state-law antitrust action against United Technologies Corporation, leading to a verdict for his client.[12]

Summerhays also handled many mediations, arbitrations, and other alternative dispositions.  Notably, he represented Hughes Electronics in a $1 Billion arbitration action against Boeing, guiding the case to a settlement.[13]

Jurisprudence and Reversals

Summerhays serves as a Bankruptcy Judge in the Western District of Louisiana.  In that capacity, Summerhays presides over bankruptcy matters, and has supervised 232 adversary proceedings and has entered final orders in over 16,000 cases.[14]  In his twelve years on the bench, three of his decisions were substantially reversed by higher courts:

In re Vidalier[15] – The district court reversed Summerhays’ ruling that a married debtor could not file late joint tax returns after the death of his spouse for years when the spouse was alive.[16]

Joyner v. Liprie[17] – This case involved an estate action brought by a former business partner that was removed to federal court.  Summerhays declined to remand the action to state court, ruling that the causes of action brought could not be asserted by the plaintiff.[18]  The District Court declined to adopt this portion of the report, remanding the action to state court.[19]

In re Miller[20] – In this case, Summerhays ruled that 11 U.S.C. § 1325 prevented a creditor from seeking an unsecured deficiency claim.[21]  The Fifth Circuit reversed this ruling.[22]

Writings

As a young attorney, Summerhays authored an article discussing the scope of Corporate Attorney-Client privilege.[23]  In the article, Summerhays criticizes the Fifth Circuit decision in Garner v. Wolfinbarger, which created an exception to attorney-client privilege in suits where corporate shareholders were suing management in derivative suits.[24]  Summerhays notes that the “doctrinal underpinnings of the Garner exception are frustratingly ambiguous.”[25]  He also criticizes the expansion of Garner to cover non-derivative suits and suits against majority shareholders.[26]  Instead, he proposes limiting Garner only to suits where shareholders are seeking to vindicate either rights common to all shareholders or rights of the corporations.[27]  Judge James “Jimbo” Stephens ultimately ruled that Doughty was not required to recuse himself from the case.[28]

Overall Assessment

Unlike fellow nominee Michael Juneau, who faced significant opposition in the Senate Judiciary Committee, Summerhays should face a relatively easy confirmation for three reasons.  First, Summerhays has extensive experience with complex litigation including arbitrations and mediations, a good skill set for a federal trial judge.  Second, Summerhays has a long and uncontroversial record on the bench, including a very low rate of reversal.  Finally, Summerhays lacks a controversial paper trail and has managed not to offend any key judicial stakeholders.

As such, it is likely that Summerhays will be confirmed by this summer, adding another Trump appointment onto the Western District of Louisiana.


[1] Sen. Comm. on the Judiciary, 115th Cong., Robert Summerhays: Questionnaire for Judicial Nominees 2.

[2] Id. at 1.

[3] Id. at 2.

[4] Id.

[5] Id.

[6] Id.

[7] Tyler Bridges, 42 Parish Area of Western Louisiana Suffers From Vacant Federal Judgeships, The Acadiana Advocate, Aug. 22, 2017, http://www.theadvocate.com/acadiana/news/article_dad54e68-8791-11e7-9cfc-678529cbf1c6.html.

[8] See Summerhays, supra n. 1 at 56.

[9] Id.

[10] See Summerhays, supra n. 1 at 44.

[11] In re Capstead Mortg. Secs. Litig., 258 F. Supp. 2d 533 (N.D. Tex. 2003).

[12] Chromalloy Gas Turbine Corp. v. United Tech. Corp., No. 95-CI-12541 (Bexas County, Tex. filed 1995).

[13] Boeing-Hughes Electronics Purchase Price Arbitration.

[14] See Summerhays, supra n. 1 at 14.

[15] 2006 WL 3873268 (Bankr. W.D. La. Dec 22, 2006), rev’d, 2008 WL 4003671 (W.D. La. Aug. 29, 2008).

[16] See id.

[17] 2012 WL 1144614 (Bankr. W.D. La. Apr. 04, 2012), report and recommendation adopted in part, rejected in part, Joyner v. S.F.L. & S.I.L., 485 B.R. 538 (W.D. La. 2013).

[18] See id.

[19] See id.

[20] No. 07-20542 (Bankr. W.D. La. Jan. 24, 2008), rev’d, 570 F.3d 633 (5th Cir. 2009).

[21] See id.

[22] See id.

[23] Robert R. Summerhays, The Problematic Expansion of the Garner v. Wolfinbarger Exception to the Corporate Attorney-Client Privilege, 31 Tulsa L.J. 275 (Winter 1995).

[24] Id. at 286.

[25] See id. at 302.

[26] See id.

[27] Id. at 315.

[28] Id.

Jeremy Kernodle – Nominee for the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Texas

A young yet experienced litigator, Jeremy Kernodle has been nominated for a judgeship in the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Texas, rather than in the Northern District, where he is based.

Background

Jeremy Daniel Kernodle was born in Memphis in 1976.  Kernodle attended Harding University in Arkansas, graduating summa cum laude in 1998.[1]  He then attended Vanderbilt University School of Law, graduating with Highest Honors in 2001.[2]  He then clerked for Judge Gerald Tjoflat on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit.  Following his clerkship, Kernodle joined the Washington D.C. Office of Covington & Burling LLP as an associate.[3]

In 2005, Kernodle joined the Office of Legal Counsel in the Department of Justice as an attorney-advisor.[4]  In 2006, he moved to Dallas to become an associate at Haynes & Boone LLP.[5]  In 2012, Kernodle became a partner at the firm and continues to serve in that capacity today.

History of the Seat

Kernodle has been nominated to the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Texas, to a seat vacated on January 7, 2016, by Judge Michael Schneider’s move to senior status.  While Schneider moved to senior status with over a year left in the Obama Administration, no nominee was put forward for the vacancy.

In February 2017, Kernodle applied for a judgeship with the Evaluation Committee set up by Texas Senators John Cornyn and Ted Cruz, both Republicans.[6]  He interviewed with the Committee on March 16, 2017.[7]  Kernodle then interviewed with Cornyn and Cruz in May 2017, after which his name was submitted to the White House.[8]  Kernodle interviewed with the White House late in July 2017.  His nomination was submitted to the U.S. Senate on January 23, 2018.

Political Activity & Memberships

Kernodle has been fairly active in the Dallas Republican Party, having served as a Precinct Chair and on the Host Committee.[9]  He also donated $2500 to the Dallas Republican Party in 2017, as well as giving to Cornyn and Cruz.[10]

Kernodle has also been a member of the Federalist Society for Law and Public Policy Studies (a conservative legal society that has produced many Trump judicial nominees) since 2006 and has served as President of the Dallas Lawyers Chapter since 2014.[11]

Legal Experience

Other than a brief stint at the Department of Justice, Kernodle has spent his entire legal career in private practice.  He started his career as an associate in the Washington D.C. office of Covington & Burling, specifically, in the Litigation and Supreme Court Practice Group.  While there, he appealed the dismissal of a malicious prosecution charge and argued the case before the Third Circuit.[12]

In 2005, Kernodle joined the Office of Legal Counsel (OLC) at the U.S. Department of Justice, which is tasked with providing advice on the legality of the Justice Department’s initiatives.[13]  While he did not participate in litigation at OLC, such a background has drawn significant criticism towards other Trump nominees.

In 2006, Kernodle joined Haynes & Boone in Dallas as an associate.  He was then made a partner in 2012.  At the firm, Kernodle has developed an expertise in False Claims Act cases, specifically in defending government contractors charged under the FCA.  For example, Kernodle successfully defending a healthcare company in a qui tam suit alleging fraud.[14]  In another suit, Kernodle successfully challenged a National Labor Relations Board order against the Dresser-Rand Co.[15]

Writings, Interviews, and Expressed Views

Over his career, Kernodle has developed an expertise in the False Claims Act (FCA), a law imposing liability on those who defraud the government.  He has authored numerous articles discussing developments in False Claims Act jurisprudence and caselaw.  In one such article, Kernodle suggests that the FCA will continue to expand in scope, leading to many lawsuits being brought under it.[16]

While Kernodle has generally focused his writing on the False Claims Act, as a law student, he wrote on the emerging “state-created danger” theory of liability for states and municipalities.[17]  The theory, which arose largely from the Supreme Court’s decision in DeShaney v. Winnebago County Department of Social Services, holds that the government can be held liable for a deprivation of constitutional rights where the government is responsible for creating the danger to the individual.[18]  Noting the variety of circuit court interpretations of the theory, Kernodle proposed a five part test for when the government could be held liable under the “state-created danger” theory: (1) the government acted affirmatively; (2) toward a specific plaintiff; (3) with deliberate indifference; (4) causing the harm; (5) in a way that shocks the conscience of the court.[19]  Such a restrictive test, Kernodle argues, is necessary for “confining recovery and protecting legislative decisions.”[20]

Overall Assessment

Kernodle fits neatly into the Trump Administration’s judicial focus on young conservatives with impeccable academic credentials.  Kernodle’s supporters will tout his litigation experience and expertise in the False Claims Act as evidence of his intellect.  Furthermore, conservatives will cheer Kernodle’s long history with the Federalist Society.

While Kernodle does not share the paper trail of controversial statements made by other Texas nominees, his nomination may nonetheless draw some opposition.  Firstly, critics may question Kernodle’s role at OLC, probing his views on topics such as the legality of interrogation techniques.  Secondly, they may criticize Kernodle’s lack of connections to the Eastern District of Texas, where he has been nominated.  (Interestingly, there are three nominee-less vacancies on the Dallas-center Northern District of Texas)

Overall, it is unlikely that his brief tenure at OLC or his affiliation with the Federalist Society will be disqualifying for the majority of the U.S. Senate.  As such, Kernodle will likely be confirmed in due course.


[1] Sen. Comm. on the Judiciary, 115th Cong., Jeremy D. Kernodle: Questionnaire for Judicial Nominees 1.

[2] See id.

[3] See id. at 2.

[4] See id. at 2.

[5] See id.

[6] See id. at 30.

[7] See id.

[8] See id.

[9] See id. at 15.

[11] See id.

[12] See Green v. Robinson, 112 Fed. Appx. 165, 2004 U.S. App. LEXIS 21304 (3d Cir. Oct. 13, 2004) (affirming dismissal of malicious prosecution claim).

[13] See Kernodle, supra n. 1 at 17.

[14] See United States ex rel. Colquitt v. Abbott Laboratories, 858 F.3d 365 (5th Cir. 2017).

[15] See Dresser-Rand, Co. v. NLRB, 838 F.3d 512 (5th Cir. 2016); Dresser-Rand, Co. v. NLRB, 576 F. App’x. 332 (5th Cir. 2014).

[16] Jeremy Kernodle, Christopher Rogers, and Nicole Somerville, Fraud Alert: What Every Texas Lawyer Should Know About the False Claims Act, 78 Texas B.J. 704, 705 (Oct. 2015).

[17] Jeremy Daniel Kernodle, Protecting the Police: Clarifying the Test for Holding the Government Liable Under 42 § 1983 and the State-Created Danger Theory, 54 Vand. L. Rev. 165 ( Jan. 2001).

[18] 489 U.S. 189, 200 (1989).

[19] See Kerndole, supra n. 29 at 187.

[20] Id. at 199.

Judge C.J. Williams – Nominee for the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of Iowa

Judge C.J. Williams served as a law professor and a federal prosecutor for two decades before becoming a federal magistrate judge two years ago.  Last month, Williams was nominated for a lifetime judgeship on the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of Iowa.

Background

A native Iowan, Charles Joseph Williams was born in Cedar Rapids in 1963.  Williams received a B.A. with high distinction from the University of Iowa in 1985 and a J.D. with high distinction from the University of Iowa College of Law in 1988.  In 1997, he also received an LLM from the University of Missouri-Kansas City School of Law.

After graduating law school, Williams clerked for Judge Donald O’Brien on the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of Iowa.[1]  After a two year clerkship, Williams joined the U.S. Department of Justice Criminal Division as a trial attorney, and spent a year at the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Eastern District of Virginia as a Special Assistant U.S. Attorney.[2]

In 1992, Williams joined the Kansas City law firm, Lathrop & Gage LLC.  In 1997, he returned to Iowa to become a federal prosecutor with the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Northern District of Iowa.[3]  He held that position until 2016, when he was appointed to become a U.S. Magistrate Judge for the Northern District, replacing Judge Leonard Strand, who had been confirmed to a federal judgeship.[4]

Since 2001, Williams has taught Federal Criminal Practice and other courses on criminal law and practice at the University of Iowa School of Law.[5]

History of the Seat

The seat Williams has been nominated for opened on October 1, 2017, with Judge Linda Reade’s move to senior status.  Williams applied to a screening committee formed by Senators Chuck Grassley and Joni Ernst in August 2017, and interviewed before the Committee in late September.  On October 12, 2017, Grassley and Ernst sent the names of four finalists, including Williams, to the White House.[6]  After interviews with the White House Counsel’s Office and the Department of Justice, Williams was formally nominated to the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of Iowa on February 15, 2018.

Legal Experience

After his clerkship, Williams’ first legal position was at the Department of Justice prosecuting narcotics cases.[7]  In this position, Williams reviewed death penalty drug cases and helped prosecute a former Deputy Attorney General.[8]  In 1991, Williams became a Special Assistant U.S. Attorney (SAUSA) in the Eastern District of Virginia.[9]  In 1992, Williams became a trial attorney at Lathrop & Gage LLC.[10]  Williams helped start the firm’s criminal representation section.[11]

In 1997, Williams was hired to be an Assistant U.S. Attorney (AUSA) with the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Northern District of Iowa.  There, Williams helped prosecute Sholom Rubashkin, the CEO of Agriprocessors, a kosher slaughterhouse and meatpacking plant that had allegedly hired thousands of illegal aliens.[12]  Rubashkin’s prosecution drew particular concern due to the participation of Judge Linda Reade (who eventually presided over the case) in a highly controversial raid of the Agriprocessor plant.[13]  During his hearing, Williams clarified that he was not involved in the raid or the prosecutions of workers in the plant.[14]

Williams also participated in the death penalty conviction of Angela Johnson, the girlfriend of a drug kingpin who was convicted of the drug related murders of two federal witnesses and three others.[15]  Johnson’s death penalty sentence was ultimately overturned by Judge Mark Bennett and the Attorney General chose not to pursue the penalty again.[16]  However, in his recap of the case, Judge Bennett complimented Williams’ handling of the case, calling him “well-qualified, talented, and exceptionally professional.”[17]

Jurisprudence

Williams has served as a U.S. Magistrate Judge on the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of Iowa since 2016.  In this role, Williams has presided over one jury trial and one bench trial.[18]  The jury trial involved damages to soybean and corn crops from hail, and the insurance company’s estimation of a lower loss.[19]  Williams ended up reducing the jury’s award of $1.5 million in punitive damages to $163,500.[20]

The bench trial that Williams presided over involved the abduction of three children by their mother and their removal to Turkey in violation of the Hague Convention.[21]  While Williams found that the removal of the children was unlawful, he did not order their return, noting that this would endanger the lives of one child, who needed a kidney transplant.[22]

In his two years on the bench, Williams has been reversed by a District Court judge on three occasions.  The rejections are outlined below:

United States v. Myers[23] – Presiding over the defendant’s arraignment, Williams ordered the defendant released before trial.  Judge Linda Reade reversed his decision and ordered the defendant detained.

United States v. Hayes[24] – Williams found that the government had charged two duplicitous counts of possessing a firearm as a prohibited person.  He recommended that the counts be merged.  Judge Leonard Strand agreed that the counts were duplicitous but found the correct remedy to be dismissal of one of the charges.

Cordes v. Berryhill[25] – In this social security action, Williams recommended that the ALJ’s decision denying social security benefits be affirmed.  Strand rejected this recommendation and reversed the ALJ recommendation.

Writings

As both an AUSA and an adjunct professor at the University of Missouri Kansas City School of Law, Williams has written fairly extensively on a variety of legal topics.  Williams began his legal academic career early, authoring a law review note discussing limitations on the Miranda right to counsel.[26]  He went on to dissect and examine many statutory provisions[27] and common law and evidentiary standards.[28]  However, he was particularly prolific in discussing jury selection.

In one notable article, Williams advocates for amending the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure to give attorneys the right to conduct voir dire (questioning) of potential jurors.[29]  Williams notes that the current rules allow a judge to solely conduct voir dire or dispense with voir dire entirely.[30]  Blocking attorney participation in the voir dire process, Williams notes, limits the effectiveness of jury selection tools such as peremptory strikes and is often less effective at picking an impartial jury.[31]

In another article, Williams outlines the history of peremptory strikes and suggests that the number of such strikes permitted “should be as small as possible.”[32]  Expanding on that theme in another article, Williams advocates a consistent method for exercising peremptory strikes across the federal judiciary.[33]  Specifically, Williams endorses the sequential-strike method, which requires both sides to voir dire blocks of jurors, with each side making determinations as to whether to strike a juror after a for-cause determination has been made.[34]

Overall Assessment

As noted previously, federal magistrate judges are fairly safe nominees for the federal bench.  While Williams has had a fairly short tenure as a magistrate, his long history as a federal prosecutor and fairly uncontroversial record on the bench makes him an uncontroversial nominee.

Furthermore, Williams has a powerful champion, namely, Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Chuck Grassley.  As Chairman, Grassley has carefully guided Iowa judges through the nomination thicket, getting two confirmed during the otherwise unproductive 114th Congress.  As such, the odds look fairly good for a prompt confirmation for Williams.


[1] Sen. Comm. on the Judiciary, 115th Cong., C.J. Williams: Questionnaire for Judicial Nominees 2.

[2] See id.

[3] See id.

[4] See id.

[5] See id. at 57.

[6] Press Release, Office of Sen. Chuck Grassley, Senators Ernst and Grassley Recommend Four Iowa Lawyers For Federal Judiciary Post (Oct. 17, 2017) (available at http://www.1380kcim.com/news/2017/senators-ernst-and-grassley-recommend-four-iowa-lawyers-for-federal-judiciary-post/).

[7] See Williams, supra n. 1 at 45.

[8] Id.

[9] Id.

[10] Id.

[11] Id.

[12] United States v. Rubashkin, No. 08-CR-1324-LRR (N.D. Iowa).

[13] Josh Nelson, UPDATE: Rubashkin Asks For New Trial After Judge’s Role in Raid is Detailed, Waterloo Cedar Falls Courier, August 5, 2010, http://wcfcourier.com/news/local/article_f4f87fee-a0ae-11df-918f-001cc4c03286.html.

[14] Trish Mehaffey, Federal Magistrate Answers Questions From U.S. Senate Judiciary Regarding His Nomination as District Judge, Dubuque Gazette, March 20, 2018, http://www.thegazette.com/subject/news/government/federal-magistrate-answers-questions-from-us-senate-judiciary-regarding-his-nomination-as-district-judge-20180321.

[15] United States v. Johnson, 01-CR-3046-MWB & 09-CV-3064-MWB (N.D. Iowa).

[16] Id. 

[17] Mark W. Bennett, Sudden Death: A Federal Trial Judge’s Reflections on the ABA Guidelines for the Appointment and Performance of Defense Counsel in Death Penalty Cases, 42 Hofstra L. Rev. 391 (Winter 2013).

[18] See Williams, supra n. 1 at 30.

[19] Bruhn Farms Joint Venture v. Fireman’s Fund Ins. Co., 2017 WL 2888585 (May 11, 2017).

[20] See id.

[21] Leonard v. Lentz, No. 17-CV-3037-CJW, 2017 WL 6887535 (N.D. Iowa Nov. 1, 2017); 2018 WL 459341 (N.D. Iowa Jan. 18, 2018).

[22] See id.

[23] 17-CR-20188-LRR (Apr. 26, 2017).

[24] 2017 WL 1955334 (May 11, 2017).

[25] 2017 WL 3951641 (Sept. 8, 2017).

[26] Charles J. Williams, Connecticut v. Barrett and the Limited Invocation of the Right to Counsel: A New Limitation on Fifth Amendment Miranda Protections, 73 Iowa L. Rev. 743 (March 1988).

[27] See, e.g., C.J. Williams, An Argument For Putting the Posse Comitatus Act to Rest, 85 Miss. L.J. 99 (2016); C.J. Williams, What is the Gist of the Mail Fraud Statute, 66 Okla. L. Rev. 287 (Winter 2014); Charles J. Williams, Towards a Comprehensive Health Care Anti-Kickback Statute, 64 UMKC L. Rev. 291 (Winter 1995).

[28] See, e.g., C.J. Williams, Fault and the Suicide Victim: When Third Parties Assume a Suicide Victim’s Duty of Self-Care, 76 Neb. L. Rev. 201 (1997). See also C.J. Williams and Dasha Ternavska, A Series of Unfortunate Events: The Admissibility of “Other Fires” Evidence in Arson Cases, 48 Conn. L. Rev. 685 (Feb. 2016).

[29] C.J. Williams, To Tell You The Truth, Federal Rule of Criminal Procedure 24(A) Should Be Amended To Permit Attorneys To Conduct Voir Dire of Prospective Jurors, 67 S.C. L. Rev. 35 (Autumn 2015).

[30] See id. at 58.

[31] Id. at 60.

[32] C.J. Williams, On the Origin of Numbers: Where did the Number of Peremptory Strikes Come From and Why is Origin Important, 39 Am. J. Trial Advoc. 481, 515 (Spring 2016).

[33] C.J. Williams, Proposing a Peremptory Methodology for Exercising Peremptory Strikes, 54 Am. Crim. L. Rev. 277 (Winter 2017).

[34] Id. at 296-97.

Dominic Lanza – Nominee for the U.S. District Court for the District of Arizona

Generally, when a well-respected U.S. Attorney makes calls on behalf of your nomination, it helps you stand apart from the crowd.  However, such calls may have cost Dominic Lanza a nod for the Ninth Circuit.  As such, a nomination to the U.S. District Court for the District of Arizona serves as Lanza’s consolation prize.

Background

Dominic William Lanza was born in Seattle in 1976.  Lanza attended Dartmouth University, graduating summa cum laude in 1998.[1]  While in college, Lanza was a student athlete, playing football.  After graduation, Lanza spent a year in New York City working as a Sales and Trading Associate at the investment firm, D.E. Shaw & Associates.[2]

In 1999, Lanza matriculated at Harvard Law School, graduating cum laude in 2002.[3]  He then clerked for Judge Pamela Rymer on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit.  Following his clerkship, Lanza joined the Los Angeles Office of Gibson Dunn as an associate.[4]

In 2008, Lanza joined the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the District of Arizona as an Assistant U.S. Attorney.[5]  In 2012, Lanza was promoted to be Chief of the Financial Crimes and Public Integrity Section, and in 2015, became the Chief Assistant U.S. Attorney.[6]  Lanza serves in that capacity today.

History of the Seat

Lanza has been nominated to the U.S. District Court for the District of Arizona, to a seat vacated on September 1, 2016, by Judge Susan Ritchie Bolton’s move to senior status.  However, this was not the seat that Lanza was originally recommended for.  In April 2017, Lanza was recommended by Arizona senators John McCain and Jeff Flake, both Republicans, to fill an Arizona vacancy on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit, a seat vacated on October 11, 2016, by Judge Barry Silverman.[7]  However, the White House wanted Lanza’s colleague, Kory Langhofer, for the seat, believing that Langhofer was more conservative.[8]

Furthermore, Lanza’s mentor, former U.S. Attorney Paul Charlton, proved to be a liability as well.[9]  The Trump Administration allegedly axed Lanza for the Ninth Circuit seat based on Charlton’s support of his candidacy, as Administration officials were upset at Charlton for prosecuting Republican Rep. Rick Renzi during the Bush Administration.[10]  Allegedly, one source close to the vetting process noted: “That Lanza dude is toast.”[11]  As such, no action was taken on Lanza’s nomination for several months after his name was submitted to the White House.  Finally, the Administration nominated Lanza to the District Court on January 24, 2018.

Political Activity & Memberships

Lanza has not been particularly active in the political sphere.  He has two donations on record: $250 respectively to former Sen. Jon Kyl (R-AZ) and Sen. Tom Cotton (R-AR).[12]

Lanza has been a member of the Arizona Republican Lawyers’ Association from 2011 to the present.[13]  He has also been a member of the Federalist Society for Law and Public Policy Studies (a conservative legal society that has produced many Trump judicial nominees) since 2015.[14]

Legal Experience

Lanza has spent the first six years of his legal career in private practice, working at Gibson Dunn in their constitutional and appellate law practice.  He then spent the next ten years of his career as a federal prosecutor in Arizona.

Private Practice

From 2002 to 2008, Lanza worked as an associate in the Los Angeles office of Gibson Dunn.[15]  In the constitutional and appellate law practice at the firm, Lanza handled a number of product liability lawsuits, including seeking constitutional defenses to punitive damage awards.[16]  While at the firm, Lanza also served as associate trial counsel in six cases.[17]

At the firm, Lanza participated in a number of appeals seeking to reduce or eliminate large awards of punitive damages awarded against corporations.  In one case, Lanza was part of the legal team that successfully reversed a $28 billion punitive damage award against the tobacco company Phillip Morris.[18]  In another case, Lanza and his fellow attorneys successfully reversed a $10 million punitive damage award against Ford automobiles for concealing vehicle histories.[19]

U.S. Attorney’s Office

From 2008, Lanza has served as an Assistant U.S. Attorney in the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the District of Arizona, and has served as the Chief Assistant U.S. Attorney since 2015.  In this role, Lanza handles many of the administrative matters in the U.S. Attorney’s Office and serves as an advisor to the U.S. Attorney.[20]  As an AUSA, Lanza has tried seven cases as lead or co-counsel.[21]

Among the cases Lanza has worked on, the most famous is likely that of Jared Lee Loughner, the Tucson mass shooter who murdered six people, including Chief U.S. District Judge John Roll, and injured 13 others, including then Congresswoman Gabrielle Giffords, in 2011.[22]  In the case, Lanza managed to secure an emergency order from the court keeping the government’s investigative materials secret in response to media inquiries.[23]

In addition to his trial work, Lanza has also argued 11 cases before the Ninth Circuit and has handled several appeals including government appeals and defending convictions.[24]  In one unusual case, Lanza was charged with defending the shackling of defendants in Arizona federal court, notwithstanding a Ninth Circuit decision indicating that such shackling was unconstitutional.[25]  While the Ninth Circuit had held in United States v. Sanchez-Gomez that defendants cannot be placed in shackles without individualized determinations from the district court,[26] the court placed the mandate on hold pending a writ of certiorari.[27]  With the mandate placed on hold, many Arizona federal judges (and the government) argued that the Ninth Circuit decision was not binding.[28]  However, the Ninth Circuit granted a mandamus petition requiring the unshackling of defendants, noting that the lack of issuance of the mandate does not prevent the Ninth Circuit decision from being binding.[29]

Writings

Lanza has not been a prolific writer, having only three major articles to his name: two that he authored as a student, and one that he wrote as a lawyer.  Nevertheless, all three pieces yield insights into Lanza’s legal philosophy and his future leanings as a judge.

Global Warming

In 2018, Dominic Lanza co-authored an article with Gibson Dunn partner Theodore Boutrous criticizing the use “public nuisance” suits seeking to combat global warming.[30]  The article, written around the time that Boutrous was defending automakers sued by California for contributing to global warming,[31] argues that tort litigation seeking to combat global warming “represent a naked and wholly improper attempt to override [legislative] policy judgments.”[32]  The article also argues that federal common law does not allow for nuisance suits based on global warming.[33]  It instead suggests that the role of federal courts should be to review regulatory efforts to combat global warming under the framework of Massachusetts v. EPA, not to allow tort claims based on the effects of climate change.[34]

Race-Based Redistricting

As a law student, Lanza authored an article discussing recent Supreme Court jurisprudence on race-based redistricting.[35]  The article discusses the Supreme Court decisions in Shaw v. Reno and Hunt v. Cromartie, where the Supreme Court upheld North Carolina’s majority-minority 12th District.[36]  Lanza argues that Justice Breyer’s majority opinion in Cromartie is inconsistent with the prior decisions in Shaw I and Shaw II.[37]  Specifically, Lanza argues that Cromartie fails to place meaningful limitations on the legislature’s use of race in redistricting, noting that the Court has “radically reduced the scrutiny applied to legislative districting decisions.”[38]  Instead, Lanza notes:

“If a majority of the Court wishes to overturn Shaw II, it should do so explicitly.”[39]

Race-Based Challenges to Athletic Eligibility Requirements

In this article, Lanza analyzes recent Third Circuit decision in Cureton v. NCAA, holding that minimum standardized test score requirements for student athletes did not violate Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964.[40]  Cureton involved a challenge to the NCAA requirements, which the plaintiffs argue disproportionately affected racial minorities.[41]  Lanza notes that, in dismissing the plaintiffs’ challenge, the Third Circuit did not address the merits of the claim, instead ruling that Title VI did not apply to the NCAA.[42]  Nevertheless, Lanza argues that the NCAA requirements should pass muster even if one accepts the disparate impact theory the plaintiffs have advanced, noting:

“Thus, because Proposition 16’s test score requirement is essential in advancing the laudable goal of safeguarding academic integrity, and because no equivalent, less discriminatory alternatives exist, the preferences of standardized-test critics must necessarily be subordinated.”[43]

Overall Assessment

Lanza’s background as a federal prosecutor, his membership in the Federalist Society and Republican groups, and his legal writings all suggest a conservative political orientation.  However, they do not necessarily reflect a discernable judicial philosophy.  In his articles on global warming and on Title VI, Lanza suggests that judges should steer well clear of making decisions with policy ramifications, an implicit endorsement of judicial restraint.  However, in his article on race-based redistricting, Lanza criticizes the Supreme Court for giving legislatures “hyper-deference,” suggesting an endorsement of an active role for judges, even in “political” spheres such as redistricting.  As such, Lanza’s judicial philosophy is difficult to discern.

Regardless, Lanza’s breadth of legal experience in both criminal and civil law is clear.  Furthermore, while the Trump Administration may have viewed it as a negative, Lanza’s association with Paul Charlton, who is well-respected in Arizona legal circles, will likely be a net positive in the confirmation process.

Overall, there is nothing politically disqualifying in Lanza’s background.  He will likely be confirmed in due course and will add a conservative voice to the Arizona trial bench.


[1] Sen. Comm. on the Judiciary, 115th Cong., Dominic W. Lanza: Questionnaire for Judicial Nominees 1.

[2] See id. at 2.

[3] See id. at 1.

[4] See id.

[5] See id. at 2.

[6] See id.

[7] Jeremy Duda, The Flake and McCain Seal of Approval, Yellow Sheet Report, April 24, 2017.

[8] See Jeremy Duda, Don’t Count Langhofer Out Yet, Yellow Sheet Report, April 26, 2017.

[9] See Jeremy Duda, Being Judged by the Company You Keep, Yellow Sheet Report, May 12, 2017.

[10] See id.

[11] See id.

[13] See Lanza, supra n. 1 at 5.

[14] See id.

[15] See id. at 2.

[16] See id. at 12.

[17] See id. at 13-14.

[18] See Bullock v. Phillip Morris USA, Inc., 159 Cal. App. 4th 655 (2008).

[19] But see Johnson et al. v. Ford Motor Company, 113 P.3d 82 (Cal. 2005) (reversing and remanding California Court of Appeals ruling eliminating punitive damages).

[20] See Lanza, supra n. 1 at 12-13.

[21] See id. at 14.

[22] See United States v. Loughner, CR 11-187-TUC-LAB (D. Ariz.).

[23] See id. 

[24] Compare United States v. Rodman, 776 F.3d 638 (9th Cir. 2015) (affirming defendant’s conviction) to United States v. Aguilar-Reyes, 653 F.3d 1053 (9th Cir. 2011) (reversing sentence on government appeal).

[25] In re Zermeno Gomez, 868 F.3d 1048 (9th Cir. 2017).

[26] See 859 F.3d 649, 661 (9th Cir. 2017) (en banc).

[27] See Zermeno Gomez, supra n. 25 at 1050.

[28] See id. at 1051.

[29] See id. at 1053.

[30] Theodore J. Boutrous Jr. and Dominic Lanza, Global Warming Tort Litigation: The Real “Public Nuisance”, 35 Ecology L. Currents 80 (2008).

[31] See Abigail Goldman, He’s a Hired Gun of the Highest Caliber, Los Angeles Times, June 24, 2007, http://articles.latimes.com/2007/jun/24/business/fi-sunprofile24.  

[32] See Boutrous, supra n. 29 at 86.

[33] See id. at 87.

[34] See id. at 88.

[35] Dominic Lanza, Leading Cases, Voting Rights – Race-Based Redistricting, 115 Harv. L. Rev. 386 (2001).

[36] See id. (citing 526 U.S. 541 (1999)).

[37] Id. at 393.

[38] See id. at 396.

[39] Id.

[40] Dominic W. Lanza, Recent Cases, Title VI – Third Circuit Upholds Viability of Standardized Test Scores as a Component of Freshman Athletic Eligibility Requirements, 114 Harv. L. Rev. 947 (2001).

[41] See Cureton v. NCAA, 198 F.3d 107 (3d Cir. 1999), rev’ing 37 F. Supp. 2d 687 (E.D. Pa. 1999).

[42] See Lanza, supra n. 32 at 951.

[43] See id. at 953.

Gordon Giampietro – Nominee for the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Wisconsin

Last year, Gordon Giampietro was nominated by President Trump to be a federal judge upon the recommendation of Wisconsin’s U.S. Senators, indicating a comfortable nomination.  As such, when news broke of controversial statements made by Giampietro in interviews and online comments and of allegations that the statements were not properly disclosed in the nomination process, many felt that this latest controversy had derailed his nomination.  However, even without the reported statements, Giampietro’s record shows involvement in several political flashpoints, suggesting that his confirmation was always unlikely to be smooth.

Background

Gordon Peter Giampietro was born on October 19, 1965, in Washington D.C.  Giampietro spent much of his formative years in D.C., attending The Catholic University of America and The Catholic University Columbus School of Law, getting his J.D. in 1992 with a Comparative and International Law Certificate.  In between his undergraduate education and law school, Giampietro worked at The Connecticut Avenue Club Hotel as the Assistant Manager.[1]  After graduating law school, Giampietro moved to Wisconsin to clerk for Judge Rudolph Randa on the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Wisconsin, serving as the newly appointed conservative’s first law clerk.[2]

After his clerkship, Giampietro joined the Milwaukee Office of Michael, Best & Friedrich LLP as a Litigation Associate.[3]  In 2000, he was named a Litigation Partner at the firm.  In 2002, Giampietro left the firm to join the U.S. Department of Justice Criminal Division, serving as an Assistant U.S. Attorney in the Eastern District of Wisconsin.[4]  Additionally, in 2007, Giampietro became the Bankruptcy Fraud Coordinator for the Office.  In 2010, Giampietro gave up that position and became the Criminal Health Care Fraud Coordinator and Deputy Elections Officer.[5]

In 2015, Giampietro left the government to join the Northwestern Mutual Life Insurance Company as Assistant General Counsel.[6]  He serves in that role today.

History of the Seat

Giampietro has been nominated to the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Wisconsin, to a seat vacated on February 5, 2016, by Judge Rudolph Randa (for whom Giampietro had clerked).  Interestingly, Randa had expressed his interest in moving to senior status back in 2007, and the Bush Administration had nominated state judge Timothy Dugan to replace him.[7]  However, Dugan was never confirmed by the then-Democratic senate, and, after the election of President Obama, Randa reversed his desire to go on senior status.

In February 2017, Wisconsin senators Ron Johnson and Tammy Baldwin, a Republican and a Democrat, respectively, announced the renewal of their bipartisan Judicial Nominating Commission.  Giampietro submitted an application to the Committee on May 30th.[8]  He interviewed with the Committee in July and his name, alongside three others, was submitted to the White House in August 2017.[9]  After interviews with the White House Counsel’s Office and the Department of Justice, Giampietro was nominated on December 20, 2017.

Legal Experience

Excluding his time as a clerk, Giampietro has split his career between working as a federal prosecutor and working in private practice.

Private Practice

In his first position out of his clerkship, Giampietro managed corporate litigation as an associate and a partner at Michael Best.[10]  Notably, Giampietro was able to dismiss a tort action brought by the estate of a worker killed by a vertical boring mill, by successfully arguing, as a matter of first impression, that Wisconsin law did not permit suits against brokers of second hand industrial equipment.[11]

In addition to his corporate work, Giampietro also participated in more controversial cases.  For example, Giampietro represented the Republican leaders in the Wisconsin House and Senate in the lawsuit over Wisconsin’s legislative districts.[12]  Giampietro also represented the Metropolitan Milwaukee Association of Commerce in an unsuccessful challenge to a Milwaukee labor ordinance requiring county contractors to sign “labor peace agreements” with unions.[13]

However, Giampietro’s most politically charged case was his representation of Munir Hamdan, a grocery store owner seeking the right to carry a concealed weapon to protect his store.[14]  Hamdan was charged with carrying a concealed weapon in violation of Wisconsin law, but his conviction was reversed in a 5-2 vote of the Wisconsin Supreme Court, who held that Hamdan’s conviction violated the Right to Bear Arms in the Wisconsin Constitution.[15]

Department of Justice

From 2002 to 2015, Giampietro worked as a prosecutor at the Department of Justice through the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Eastern District of Wisconsin.  In this role, Giampietro handled the prosecutions of both violent offenders and white collar criminals.[16]  Notably, Giampietro prosecuted Kimberly Prude, a convicted felon, for casting a ballot in the 2004 elections.[17]  Prude had cast a ballot while on supervised release from a forgery conviction.[18]  Upon discovering that she was ineligible to vote, Prude contacted the Election Commission and attempted to withdraw her ballot only to be told “not to worry about it.”[19]  Despite the fact that she herself had reported the mistake and had attempted to withdraw the ballot, Prude was nonetheless prosecuted and convicted of voter fraud.[20]  During the trial, Prude was not permitted to present witnesses to testify as to her efforts to withdraw her ballot, while the government was allowed to testify on the subject.[21]  On appeal, the Seventh Circuit agreed that Judge Rudolph Randa had erred in his evidentiary rulings but found that the errors did not require reversal under “plain error” review.[22]

Giampietro was also central to a conflict between the U.S. Attorney’s Office and federal judge J.P. Stadtmueller.  In 2008, Giampietro was prosecuting Rashid Salahuddin for being a felon in possession of a firearm, a case that had, at the time, been pending for three years.[23]  On October 9, 2008, Stadtmueller, who was overseeing the case, called U.S. Attorney Steven Biskupic and Federal Defender Daniel Stiller into his chambers for a meeting without the court reporter present.[24]  At the meeting, Stadtmueller expressed concern as to the length and litigation costs in the case and suggested that the parties resolve the issue without further litigation.[25]  In response to this meeting, the U.S. Attorney’s Office filed a motion for Stadtmueller to recuse himself from the case, alleging bias against Giampietro and the U.S. Attorney’s Office.[26]  Stadtmueller, a former U.S. Attorney, declined to recuse himself and granted motions to suppress in the defendant’s favor.[27]  Giampietro appealed the recusal motion to the Seventh Circuit, who forced Stadtmueller off the case, citing that Stadtmueller “suggested that the case was an embarrassment to the justice system and an inefficient allocation of taxpayer resources” in his remarks.[28]  The removal prompted Stadtmueller to take the unprecedented step of declining all future criminal cases, suggesting that the U.S. Attorney’s Office was using recusal to engage in “judge shopping.”[29]

Writings, Interviews, and Expressed Views

Over his career, Giampietro has occasionally commented on issues of law and policy, both in writing, and through interviews and speeches.

Expressed Political Views in Interviews

On February 2015, 2018, Zoe Tillman at Buzzfeed broke the story that Giampietro had, in his writings and interviews, made “disparaging comments about diversity, same-sex relationships, and birth control.”[30]  Specifically, in a 2015 radio interview, Giampietro stated that it was “irrefutable” that children were best-raised by heterosexual couples and that same-sex relationships were troubled.[31]  In other comments, Giampietro referred to the birth control pill as an “assault on nature” and suggested that diversity was “code for relaxed standards.”[32]  In response to the story, Baldwin indicated that the statements had not been disclosed to the Evaluation Commission and that they “raise serious questions about whether this nominee would be able to serve as a fair and impartial judge.”[33]

In response, Giampietro wrote to Baldwin privately arguing that the article “reads like an attack on my Catholic faith.”[34]  Additionally, five Wisconsin based Catholic bishops wrote to Baldwin arguing that Giampietro was “not receiving a fair hearing because of his Catholic faith.”[35]  Furthermore, members of the Evaluation Commission disagreed as to the significance of the undisclosed statements, with Republican member Rick Esenberg arguing that the statements were irrelevant while Democratic member Barbara Quindel indicating that the Commission would not have recommended Giampietro if they had known about the statements.[36]

“Moral Force” of Judicial Decisions

In 2003, the Wisconsin Supreme Court, in a 4-3 decision, upheld a $3.5 million punitive damages award against an insurance company, finding as a matter of law, that the insurance company had acted in bad faith in failing to inform the insured of a mutual mistake in the insurance contract.[37]  The decision was criticized by some attorneys, including many conservatives.[38]  In response to the criticism, George Burnett, President of the Wisconsin Bar, authored a President’s Message urging members of the Bar to defend the Court against “political attacks.”  In response, Giampietro wrote a response, arguing that Burnett overstepped in arguing that Courts rule by “moral force.”[39]  He noted that “[w]hen the judicial branch abandons ‘the idea of law,’ it forfeits the right to claim that its decisions are imbued with a ‘moral force.’”[40]  In response, Burnett countered that Giampietro’s piece misinterpreted his own and noted that “when one ascribes political motives as a substitute for a legal critique of judicial decisions, one undermines public confidence in our judiciary.”[41]

Political Activity & Memberships

On May 22, 2017, Giampietro donated $1000 to Sen. Ron Johnson.[42]  The contributions were made approximately a week before Giampietro applied for a federal judgeship with Johnson and Baldwin’s Selection Committee.

Giampietro has been a member of the Federalist Society for Law and Public Policy Studies (a conservative legal society that has produced many Trump judicial nominees) since 1989, serving as the President of the Milwaukee Chapter between 1995 and 1997.[43]

Overall Assessment

It is undeniable that Giampietro is an exceptional lawyer, with significant experience in both civil and criminal law.  As such, it is unlikely that critics of the nomination will raise substantive objections to his qualifications.  Instead, they may object to Giampietro’s temperament and impartiality, relying on the statements reported on by Buzzfeed, his membership in the Federalist Society, his involvement in politically charged cases including the Hamdan case, and, potentially, his conduct in the Prude and Salahuddin cases.

In contrast, Giampietro’s supporters are likely to try a tactic that worked well for then-nominee Amy Coney Barrett in 2017: accusing Giampietro’s critics of anti-Catholic bias.  They will argue, as Giampietro already has, that his views on LGBT relationships and birth control are integral to his faith and that attacking those views is tantamount to imposing a religious test for federal judges.

Ultimately, the Constitution forbids a religious test for public office, and, additionally, public opinion stands strongly by that principle.  As such, to disqualify Giampietro, critics will have to make an additional point in their case, that Giampietro would be unable to set aside his views (religious or otherwise) to rule based on the law and precedent.  The future of Giampietro’s nomination ultimately depends on whether Sen. Baldwin is convinced on this point.


[1] Sen. Comm. on the Judiciary, 115th Cong., Gordon Giampietro: Questionnaire for Judicial Nominees 2.

[2] See id.

[3] See id.

[4] See id.

[5] See id.

[6] See id.

[7] Giampietro had applied to fill that vacancy but was not selected.

[8] See id. at 28.

[9] See id.

[10] See id. at 12.

[11] See Geboy v. TRL, Inc., 976 F. Supp. 1202 (E.D. Wis. 1997), aff’d, 159 F.3d 993 (7th Cir. 1998).

[12] See Arrington v. Elections Bd., 173 F. Supp. 2d 856 (E.D. Wis. 2001).

[13] See Metropolitan Milwaukee Assoc. Of Commerce v. Milwaukee Cnty., 201 F. Supp. 2d 942 (E.D. Wis. 2002).

[14] See State of Wisconsin v. Hamdan, 665 N.W.2d 785 (Wis. 2003).

[15] See id. at 478 (concluding that the right to keep and bear arms is at an apex when protecting a home or a business).

[16] See Giampietro, supra n. 1 at 11.

[17] See United States v. Prude, 489 F.3d 873 (7th Cir. 2007).

[18] See id. at 875.

[19] Id.

[20] See id. at 876.

[21] See id. at 878-81.

[22] See id. at 881.

[23] See In re: United States of America, 572 F.3d 301, 305 (7th Cir. 2009).

[24] See id. 

[25] See id.

[26] See id. at 305-06.

[27] See United States v. Salahuddin, 607 F. Supp. 2d 930 (E.D. Wis. 2009), motion for reconsideration denied, 608 F. Supp. 2d 1061 (E.D. Wis. 2009).

[28] In re: United States of America, 572 F.3d 301, 311 (7th Cir. 2009).

[29] John Diedrich, U.S. Judge Stadtmueller Not Taking New Criminal Cases, Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, Aug. 23, 2009, http://archive.jsonline.com/news/milwaukee/54417857.html/.  

[30] Zoe Tillman, One of Trump’s Judicial Nominees Once Wrote That Diversity is “Code for Relaxed Standards”, BuzzFeed News, Feb. 15, 2018, https://www.buzzfeed.com/zoetillman/one-of-trumps-judicial-nominees-once-wrote-that-diversity?utm_term=.bunlpv57b#.ferWeqXP9.  

[31] See id.

[32] See id. (citing Giampietro’s comments).

[33] See id. (quoting Sen. Tammy Baldwin’s spokesperson).

[34] Bill Glauber and Daniel Bice, Catholic Bishops Call on Tammy Baldwin Not to Block Judicial Nomination of Gordon Giampietro, Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, Feb. 27, 2018, https://www.jsonline.com/story/news/politics/2018/02/27/catholic-bishops-call-tammy-baldwin-not-block-nomination-gordon-giampietro-federal-bench/377622002/.

[35] See id. (quoting Letter from The Bishops of the State of Wisconsin to Sen. Tammy Baldwin (Feb. 20, 2018)).

[36] See id.

[37] See Trinity Evangelical v. Tower Ins. Co., 661 N.W.2d 789 (Wis. 2003).

[38] See, e.g., Robert J. Dreps & Katherine Stadler, Insurance Bad Faith: Failure to Reform Policy Based on Agent Error May Constitute Bad Faith as a Matter of Law, Godfrey & Kahn S.C. Blog, May 28, 2003, http://www.gklaw.com/newsupdatespressreleases/Insurance-Bad-Faith-Failure-to-Reform-Policy-Based-on-Agent-Error-May-Constitute-Bad-Faith-as-a-Matter-of-Law-2003-05-28-1.htm (describing decision as “puzzling” and “at odds” with Supreme Court precedent).

[39] Gordon P. Giampietro, Ruling by Moral Force?, Wis. Lawyer (Feb. 2004), https://www.wisbar.org/NewsPublications/WisconsinLawyer/Pages/Article.aspx?Volume=77&Issue=2&ArticleID=734.  

[40] See id.

[41] See George Burnett, Response to Ruling by Moral Force?, Wis. Lawyer (Feb. 2004), https://www.wisbar.org/NewsPublications/WisconsinLawyer/Pages/Article.aspx?Volume=77&Issue=2&ArticleID=734.

[42] Center for Responsive Politics, https://www.opensecrets.org/donor-lookup/results?name=gordon+giampietro (last visited Feb. 25, 2018).

[43] See id. at 4.

Jill Otake – Nominee for the U.S. District Court for the District of Hawaii

Jill Otake, the federal prosecutor nominated by Trump to a district court seat in Hawaii, is an unusual nominee for two reasons.  First, the Trump Administration has foregone appointing a Republican and has instead chosen a candidate recommended by Hawaii’s Democratic senators to a Democratic President.  Second, while Otake is a native of Hawaii, she has spent almost all of her legal career practicing, not in her home state, but in Washington.

Background

Jill Aiko Otake was born in Honolulu on October 3, 1973.  Otake received her B.S. cum laude from Georgetown University in 1995 and her J.D. from the University of Washington School of Law in 1998.[1]  After graduating, Otake joined the King County Prosecuting Attorney’s Office, serving as a prosecutor in the metro Seattle area.

In 2001, Otake returned to Hawaii to clerk for Justice Simeon Acoba on the Hawaii Supreme Court.[2]  She returned to the King County Prosecuting Attorney’s Office after her clerkship.  In 2005, Otake became a federal prosecutor with the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Western District of Washington, working as an Assistant United States Attorney (AUSA).  In 2011, Otake became the Deputy Supervisor of the Terrorism and Violent Crimes Unit and in 2013, she became the Co-Supervisor for the General Crimes Unit.[3]

In 2014, Otake moved to the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the District of Hawaii.[4]  In 2016, she was named Deputy Chief of the Special Crimes Section and, since 2017, she has served as Acting Chief of the Section.[5]

History of the Seat

Otake has been nominated for a vacancy on the U.S. District Court for the District of Hawaii.  This seat opened when Judge Susan Oki Mollway moved to senior status on November 6, 2015.  In May 2015, Otake interviewed with a Commission formed by Hawaii Senators Mazie Hirono and Brian Schatz, both Democrats.[6]  After interviews with Hirono and Schatz, Otake was one of three candidates recommended by the senators to the Obama Administration.[7]  However, the Obama Administration chose to nominate Clare Connors, another recommended candidate, on September 8, 2015.[8]  While Connors received a hearing in January 2016, and was unanimously approved by the Senate Judiciary Committee in April, she never received a floor vote.

In April 2017, Otake was contacted by the Trump Administration to gauge her interest in a federal judgeship.[9]  After interviewing with the White House Counsel’s Office and the Department of Justice, Otake was formally nominated on December 20, 2017.  Otake has the strong support of Hirono and Schatz.[10]

Legal Experience

Otake has spent her entire legal career as a prosecutor, working on the state level between 1998 and 2005, and on the federal level since 2005.[11]  Over the course of her career, Otake tried approximately 40 cases to verdict, including as lead counsel in approximately 15.[12]  As a state prosecutor, Otake not only handled criminal trials, but also worked in a supervisory capacity over other prosecutors.[13]

As a federal prosecutor in Washington, Otake initially worked in the General Crimes Unit but later joined the Terrorism and Violent Crimes Unit, becoming a Deputy Supervisor in 2011 under U.S. Attorney Jenny Durkan.[14]  While there, Otake helped prosecute members of the Sovereign Assemblies, an anti-government group that had set up its own law enforcement arm and worked to commit tax fraud in an effort to cheat the U.S. Government.[15]

After moving to Hawaii in 2014, Otake handled a variety of cases, including civil rights violations, firearms offenses, and human trafficking.[16]  Early in her tenure, Otake led the prosecution of eighteen members of a prison gang engaged in violence, smuggling, and fraud.[17]  She also prosecuted a prison guard who had assisted in smuggling methamphetamines into correctional facilities.[18]

Overall Assessment

Nominated by Trump and supported by her Democratic home state senators, Otake should sail to confirmation.  While questions can be raised as to Otake’s ties to the Hawaii legal community (she had practiced there for approximately a year before applying for a federal judgeship), with Hawaii senators on board, it is unlikely that others will raise them.

On the bench, Otake is likely to be familiar with the intricacies of sentencing and criminal law, given her long tenure as a prosecutor.  While she lacks the commensurate civil experience, focusing one’s legal career on either criminal or civil law has not barred previous nominees, and, as such, should not disqualify Otake.  As such, Hawaii should expect Otake on the bench this year, restoring a full bench.


[1] Sen. Comm. on the Judiciary, 115th Cong., Jill Otake: Questionnaire for Judicial Nominees 1.

[2] See id. at 2.

[3] Id.

[4] Id.

[5] Id.

[6] Id. at 26-27.

[7] Shiwani Johnson, Former Hawaii Attorney General Among 3 Nominees for U.S. District Court Opening in Honolulu, Pacific Business News, June 17, 2015, https://www.bizjournals.com/pacific/blog/morning_call/2015/06/former-hawaii-attorney-general-among-3-nominees.html.  

[8] Press Release, White House, President Obama Nominates Three to Serve on the United States District Courts, Sept. 8, 2015 (on file at https://obamawhitehousearchives.gov).

[9] See Otake, supra n. 1 at 27.

[10] Press Release, Office of Sen. Mazie Hirono, Hirono & Schatz Announce Nomination of Jill Otake to U.S. District Court, Dec. 20, 2017 (on file at hirono.senate.gov).

[11] See Otake, supra n.1 at 1-2.

[12] See id. at 18.

[13] See id. at 17.

[14] Id.

[15] See United States v. Jarlik-Bell, et al., No. CR11-5407RBL (W.D. Wash. Aug. 10, 2011).

[16] See Otake, supra n. 1 at 17.

[17] See, e.g., United States v. Esera, et al., Nos. CR13-860LEK (D. Haw. Sept. 12, 2013).

[18] See United States v. Damas, et al., No. CR14-177JMS (D. Haw. Feb. 5, 2014).