Judge Karen Williams – Nominee to the U.S. District Court for the District of New Jersey

New Jersey’s federal district court sat without any new judges during the Trump Administration, and, with six vacancies, the Biden Administration is moving swiftly to transform the court. Among the nominees are U.S. Magistrate Judge Karen Williams.

Background

Karen McGlashan Williams, not to be confused with the distinguished jurist who sat on the Fourth Circuit for seventeen years, grew up in Long Island with four siblings. Williams graduated from Penn State University in 1985 and then attended Temple University Beasley School of Law, getting her J.D in 1992.

After graduating, Williams joined the firm of Jasinki & Williams, P.C. in Atlantic City. She stayed with the firm until 2009, when she was appointed to be U.S. Magistrate Judge based in Camden, where she has served since.

History of the Seat

The seat Williams has been nominated for opened on May 31, 2017, with Judge Jerome Simandle’s move to senior status. The Trump Administration never put forward a nominee to fill this vacancy. Williams was nominated on May 12, 2021.

Legal Experience

Williams has spent her entire career before becoming a judge at the firm of Jasinski & Williams, P.C., where she primarily focused on employment law.

Among the notable cases she has handled, Williams represented Atlantic City in an appeal of a decision finding that the City had violated a firefighter’s First Amendment rights by disciplining him for using a racial slur against an African-American police officer. Karins v. Atl. City, 152 N.J. 532 (N.J. 1998). The New Jersey Supreme Court sided in favor of the City, holding that the use of the racial slur was not protected speech under the First Amendment. See id. at 552.

Judicial Experience

Williams has served as a U.S. Magistrate Judge in New Jersey since her appointment in 2009. In this role, she handles settlement, discovery, and makes recommendations on dispositive motions. She also presides over cases where the parties consent and reviews bail and detention motions.

Among the cases she handled as a U.S. Magistrate Judge, Williams chose to detain Richard Tobin, an 18-year-old Camden man accused of trying to recruit attackers against synagogues on neo-Nazi social networking platforms. See Jeremy Roebuck, Feds Link NJ Man to Synagogue Vandalism; He is Accused of Using a Neo-Nazi Social Network to Recruit Attackers on Two Sites in the Midwest. He Allegedly Had Much Wider Plans, The Philadelphia Inquirer, Nov. 17, 2019. She also ordered the detention of Carlos Matchett, who allegedly used social media to encourage looting and rioting during protests against police brutality following the death of George Floyd, Amy Rosenberg, A.C. man Faces Riot Charge; He is Accused of Using Social Media To Encourage People to Loot Stores, The Philadelphia Inquirer, June 5, 2020, and of Alex Capasso, accused of taking sexually explicit photos of and molesting a minor. See Barbara Boyer, No Bail for Philly Restauranteur Charged with Molesting Young Girl, The Philadelphia Inquirer, July 12, 2016.

In one notable case, Williams was asked by prosecutors to detain police officers Antonio Figueroa and Robert Bayard who were accused of abusing their power and of stealing cash and drugs from local drug dealers. See George Anastasia, Prosecutors Want Camden Police Held Without Bail in Corruption Case, The Philadelphia Inquirer, Oct. 19, 2010. However, Williams declined to hold the defendants, instead setting bail at $100,000 with pretrial conditions including electronic monitoring and a curfew. See George Anatasia, $100,000 Bail Set for Accused Camden Officers, The Philadelphia Inquirer, Oct. 20, 2010.

Overall Assessment

With over a decade of experience on the federal bench and two decades of experience as a practicing attorney, Williams has the expertise needed to hit the ground running as a U.S. District Judge. She will likely be confirmed with bipartisan support.

Judge Omar Williams – Nominee to the U.S. District Court for the District of Connecticut

Omar Williams, a judge for Connecticut’s Superior Court since 2016, has been nominated for a seat on the U.S. District Court for the District of Connecticut. Williams’ nomination fits the pattern of former public defenders being nominated for the bench by the Biden Administration.

Background

Omar A. Williams earned his B.A. from the University of Connecticut in 1998 and his J.D. from the University of Connecticut Law School in 2002. After graduating law school, Williams joined the State of Connecticut Division of Public Defender Services as an assistant public defender. In 2016, Gov. Dannel Malloy appointed Williams to be a judge on the New London District Superior Court, where he currently serves.

History of the Seat

Williams was nominated to a vacancy on the U.S. District Court for the District of Connecticut on October 15, 2019. The vacancy opened on August 31, 2018, with Judge Alvin Thompson’s move to senior status.

In March 2019, Judge Barbara Jongbloed, a Connecticut Superior Court Judge, was recommended by Connecticut Senators Richard Blumenthal and Chris Murphy to the Trump Administration. Jongbloed was nominated by the Trump Administration to this seat on August 28, 2019, and was unanimously approved by the Senate Judiciary Committee on November 21, 2019. However, Jongbloed’s nomination sat on the Senate floor from that point onwards and was left unconfirmed at the end of the Trump Administration, leaving the vacancy for the Biden Administration.

Legal Career

William’s primary experience before becoming a judge was as a state public defender, where he represented indigent defendants in trial and appellate courts. Among the notable cases he handled with the office, Williams challenged, under the Fourth Amendment, the police officers’ use of statements his client had made while calling a third-party cell phone in the possession of the police. See State v. Gonzalez, 898 A.2d 149 (Conn. 2006). Specifically, officers were interviewing a suspected drug dealer when his cellphone rang and officers answered. Officers proceeded to speak with the caller (defendant) and arranged to meet with him for a “resupply.” The defendant was subsequently captured and raised a Fourth Amendment challenge to the police use of a third-party cellphone. The Connecticut Supreme Court held unanimously that “because the defendant spoken voluntarily to police and made no effort to ascertain the identity of the person to whom he spoke, he lacked a reasonable expectation of privacy in his words spoken during his call.” As such, the Supreme Court rejected the Fourth Amendment challenge.

Jurisprudence

Williams has served as a Judge on the Connecticut Superior Court since 2016, when he was appointed by Gov. Dannel Malloy. In this role, Williams has served as a trial court judge, presiding over criminal, civil, family, and housing cases. Williams’ duties include making bail and detention decisions. For example, in one case, Williams set a $250,000 bond for a defendant who forced his way into a woman’s home and attempted to sexually assault the occupant. See Karen Florin, Police: Man Attempted Apology After Home Invasion, Sexual Assault in New London, The Day, Jan. 26, 2015.

Additionally, Williams is also charged with making legal rulings and sentencing defendants who have been found guilty. See, e.g., Claire Bessete, Zane Megos Sentenced to Five Years for Violating Probation, The Day, Feb. 26, 2016. In this role, Williams has not hesitated to impose probation and diversion as an alternative to incarceration. For example, Williams sentenced Dr. Micha Abeles, a 71-year-old doctor charged with stealing medication from the UConn Health Center, to one year of probation. Former UConn Doctor Caught Stealing Drugs Gets Probation, A.P. State & Local, Sept. 13, 2016. Williams also approved an accelerated rehabilitation program for 19-year-old Tyler McKenzie, charged with making an online threat promising “a hail of bullets” against East Lyme schools. See Karen Florin, Court Grants Diversionary Program in East Lyme School Threat Case, The Day, July 14, 2015.

One case that may draw controversy is that of Brianna Brochu, a white University of Hartford student charged with breach of the peace and criminal mischief for allegedly applying bodily fluids, including blood and saliva, on items owned by her roommate Chennel Rowe, who was African American. See Jay Colby, Brianna Brochu Charged With Harassing Former University of Hartford Roommate, Gets Probation, The Black Detour, Mar. 13, 2018, https://theblackdetour.com/brianna-brochu-roommate-gets-probation/. Against the request of the NAACP, state prosecutors declined to charge Brochu with a hate crime, and Williams sentenced her to an accelerated rehabilitation program, allowing the charges to be dismissed with completion of 200 hours of community service and a mental health evaluation, among other requirements. Despite the views of activist groups, and the acknowledgment of the pain the harassment had caused her, Rowe testified that she had no objection to the diversionary disposition of the case.

Additionally, Williams co-chaired a task force with former Connecticut Chief Justice Chase Rogers to reform jury selection in Connecticut and reduce racial bias. See Zach Murdock, Reforms Designed to Reduce Racial Bias in Trial Jury Selection Advance, Hartford Courant, Apr. 7, 2021. The Committee’s recommendations included permitting felons and non-citizens to serve on juries, raising the age at which seniors can opt out of jury service, and increasing compensation for jurors. The recommendations were subsequently approved by the Connecticut legislature.

Overall Assessment

With over two decades of legal experience as both an attorney and a judge, Williams is likely to be deemed qualified for the federal bench. However, opponents are likely to raise three primary issues in opposition to his nomination. First, they may point to Williams’ time as a public defender to criticize his “fitness” for the bench. Second, they may argue that Williams’ willingness to offer probation and diversion, including in the Brochu case, reflects a lack of attention to crime victims. Third, they may criticize Williams’ work in reforming jury service and selection in Connecticut. How successful such arguments are likely to be depends on if any of the Senate’s Democrats find them persuasive in opposing Williams’ nomination.

Where We Stand: Assessing Vacancies and Nominations in the Federal Judiciary – The Atlantic Coast

We are in the August recess, a little more than six months into the Biden Presidency. When President Biden came to office on January 20, 2021, there were 52 current and future vacancies in the federal judiciary. Since that time, an additional 73 vacancies have opened and nine nominees have been confirmed, leaving 116 vacancies pending (including future vacancies). There are currently 26 more judicial nominees pending, meaning that 22% of vacancies have nominees. In comparison, by the August recess of 2017, President Trump had nominees pending for around 20% of vacancies. Given the lull during the recess, now is a good time to look at the landscape of federal judicial nominations: vacancies open; nominations pending; prospective openings. Last week, we covered the states in the Northeast. We move on to the Atlantic Coast.

Third Circuit

Court of Appeals

The fourteen judgeship Third Circuit, covering the states of Delaware, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania, has ping-ponged between narrow majorities of Republican-appointed and Democrat-appointed judges over the last two decades. Nonetheless, it has maintained a reputation for collegiality and moderation. Currently, the court has four judges appointed each by Presidents Bush, Obama, and Trump and two judges appointed by President Clinton. The Court has one vacancy for President Biden to fill, to be vacated by Clinton-appointee Theodore McKee upon confirmation of his successor. With McKee’s announcement coming just a couple of weeks ago, a nomination will likely not be made until October or November at the earliest.

Other than McKee, two judges are currently eligible for senior status. Chief Judge D. Brooks Smith, a moderate appointed by President Bush, has been a federal judge since 1988, has been eligible for senior status since 2016, has announced his selection as Penn State Law’s jurist in residence, and will end his tenure as Chief on December 4, 2021 (his 70th birthday). All of these signs suggest that Smith will either take senior status or retire upon the conclusion of his term as Chief, but this is, by no means, guaranteed. The other eligible judge is Clinton-appointee Thomas Ambro, who has made no indications that he plans to vacate his Delaware-based seat.

Furthermore, two more judges become eligible for senior status next year. Bush appointee Kent Jordan, based in Delaware, becomes eligible for senior status on October 24, 2022, and may choose to vacate his seat at that time. Obama appointee Joseph Greenaway has been a federal judge since 1996 and may choose to vacate his New Jersey based seat upon eligibility on November 16, 2022. Either way, it would not be surprising if an additional vacancy opened on the Third Circuit before the end of the 117th Congress.

Delaware

In theory, the district court in the President’s home state is unlikely to see any vacancies this Congress. However, both Judges Leonard Stark and Maryellen Noreika have been proposed as nominees to the Federal Circuit, and both could also be considered for the Third Circuit if Ambro or Jordan moved to senior status. If either or both are nominated, the resulting vacancies could allow Biden to expand his impact on the local district court.

New Jersey

Due to a standoff between New Jersey Senators Robert Menendez and Cory Booker and the Trump Administration, no judges were appointed to the District of New Jersey in the last four years. As a result, when Biden came into office, six out of the seventeen judgeships on the court were vacant. Since then, Biden has filled two of the vacancies, with Judges Julien Neals and Zahid Quraishi. Two more nominees, Christine O’Hearn and Judge Karen Williams, are currently pending on the Senate floor, while two vacancies, both in Newark, remain without nominees.

Of the eleven active judges on the court, only one, Chief Judge Freda Wolfson, is eligible for senior status, although Judge Noel Hillman will hit eligibility on December 22 of this year. Wolfson, a Democrat appointed to the Court by President Bush, may choose to serve out her term as Chief (in 2024), while Hillman, another Bush appointee, has made no announcements about taking senior status.

Pennsylvania

Pennsylvania is divided into three district courts: the Eastern District, based in Philadelphia; the Western District, based in Pittsburgh; and the Middle District, based in Harrisburg. Traditionally, Pennsylvania senators divided judicial nominations on a 3-1 ratio, with the White House appointing one judge of the opposing party for three of their own party. Examples of cross-party appointments include Judges Yvette Kane and R. Barclay Surrick under President Clinton; Judges Legrome Davis, Timothy Savage, David Cercone, and C. Darnell Jones under Bush; Judges Matthew Brann, Jeffrey Schmehl, Edward Smith, and Jerry Pappert under Obama; and Judges Susan Baxter, Robert Colville, and John Milton Younge under Trump. This tradition is expected to continue under Biden.

Currently, there are four vacancies on the Eastern District, and one vacancy on the Middle District. Pennsylvania Senators Bob Casey, a Democrat, and Pat Toomey, a Republican, opened applications for the Eastern District in January 2021 with a February 8 application deadline. They similarly opened applications for the Middle District vacancy in June 2021 with an application deadline of July 8, 2021. In the past, Casey and Toomey refrained from making their recommendations public, and, as such, no names are expected to come to light until announced by the White House.

In addition to the current vacancies, a number of judges are eligible for senior status. Specifically, Chief Judge Juan Sanchez, and Judges Cynthia Rufe, Gene Pratter, and Paul Diamond on the Eastern District are currently eligible to take senior status. Additionally, in October, Judge Robert Mariani on the Middle District becomes eligible for senior status. Judge Christopher Conner of the Middle District also reaches eligibility on October 25, 2022. In contrast, the Western District is unlikely to see any vacancies open this Congress, as the earliest any judge reaches eligibility is in 2024.

Fourth Circuit

Court of Appeals

The Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals used to have a reputation as one of the most conservative courts in the country. However, after President Obama named seven judges to the court in his two terms, the Court underwent an ideological transformation. Today, the Court frequently divides into a 9-6 liberal-conservative divide in en banc votes. The Fourth Circuit currently is composed of Judge J. Harvie Wilkinson, a Reagan appointee; Judge Paul Niemeyer, a George H.W. Bush appointee; Judges Diana Motz, Robert King, and Roger Gregory, Clinton appointees (although Gregory was confirmed as a George W. Bush appointee, he was recess appointed to the Court by President Clinton); Judge Steven Agee, a George W. Bush appointee; Judges Barbara Keenan, James Wynn, Albert Diaz, Henry Floyd, Stephanie Thacker, and Pamela Harris, Obama appointees; and Judges Julius Richardson, Marvin Quattlebaum, and Allison Rushing, Trump appointees.

Of the 15 judges on the court, eight are currently eligible for senior status, and a ninth becomes eligible next year. However, despite this, only one vacancy has been announced so far on the court, with Keenan taking senior status on August 31, 2021. Biden has already nominated Virginia Solicitor General Toby Heytens to replace Keenan. After a smooth confirmation hearing, Heytens is expected to reach the Senate floor in September, with a final confirmation vote by the end of October. Given the sheer number of Fourth Circuit judges who are eligible for senior status, it would not be surprising to see an additional vacancy or two open up before the end of the 117th Congress.

Maryland

The U.S. District Court for the District of Maryland has already undergone a change in the current Administration, as Biden has named two judges to the court: Lydia Griggsby and Deborah Boardman. In addition, the ten judgeship court has a third vacancy that awaits a nomination: with Judge Ellen Lipton Hollander taking senior status upon confirmation of a successor. A fourth vacancy could potentially open next year as Judge Paul Grimm becomes eligible for senior status on December 6, 2022.

North Carolina

While the three judicial districts that cover North Carolina (the Eastern, Middle, and Western) do not currently have any vacancies, two judges are eligible for senior status, Judge Terrence Boyle on the Eastern District, an appointee of President Reagan, and Judge Max Cogburn, an appointee of President Obama. As such, there remains the possibility that additional vacancies may open in North Carolina this Congress.

South Carolina

The U.S. District Court for the District of South Carolina currently lacks judicial vacancies and only has one judge eligible for senior status, George H.W. Bush appointee David Norton. However, a vacancy may also open next year if Judge Juliana Michele Childs is elevated to the Fourth Circuit or if Judge Richard Gergel takes senior status upon reaching eligibility.

Virginia

Divided between the Eastern and Western Districts, Virginia is served by 15 active judgeships. Currently, Virginia has three Clinton appointees, one Bush appointee, five Obama appointees, and four Trump appointees, with the remaining two judgeships vacant. Thanks to swift recommendations made by Virginia Senators, both vacancies have nominees: federal prosecutor Patricia Giles; and Magistrate Judge Michael Nachmanoff. However, an additional two vacancies are scheduled to open later year, when Judges James Jones and John Gibney move to senior status. Earlier this month, Senators Mark Warner and Tim Kaine recommended U.S. Magistrate Judge Robert Ballou and Chief Federal Defender Juval Scott as prospective nominees to replace Jones on the Western District. Warner and Kaine also accepted applications to fill Gibney’s seat with a deadline of July 19, but no recommendations have been made yet.

Additional vacancies are also possible, as Judges Leonie Brinkema and Raymond Jackson on the Eastern District are eligible for senior status.

West Virginia

Despite being a small state, West Virginia is covered by two judicial districts, the Northern and Southern. Between them, the two districts have two judges appointed each by Presidents Clinton, Bush, Obama, and Trump. Of those judges, Judges Joseph Goodwin and Robert Chambers, the two Clinton appointees, and Judge John Bailey, a Bush appointee, are currently eligible for senior status. Additionally, Judge Irene Berger, an Obama appointee, joins them in eligibility next year. Given that fact, it would not be surprising if one or more vacancies opened in West Virginia before the end of the 117th Congress.

D.C. Circuit

Court of Appeals

The oft-described “second highest court in the country”, the D.C. Circuit is considered by many to be the first among equals in the federal Courts of Appeal. As currently composed, the Court has eleven active judges, four appointed by President Obama, three by President Trump, two by President Clinton, and one each by Presidents George H.W. Bush and Biden. While Biden has already named Judge Ketanji Brown Jackson to replace now-Attorney General Merrick Garland, he has a second vacancy to fill. Judge David Tatel, who has served on the court since 1994, announced in February his intent to take senior status upon the confirmation of a successor. So far, no nominee has been put forward to replace Tatel, unusual given that the D.C. Circuit does not require negotiating with home state senators before making a nomination.

Other than Tatel, two judges on the D.C. Circuit are currently eligible for senior status: Bush appointee Karen Henderson; and Clinton appointee Judith Ann Wilson Rogers. Both have been eligible for years and have declined to make the move under Presidents of both parties. While either could take senior status this Congress, it would not be surprising to see both continue to be active for a few more years.

Additionally, there is always the possibility that, if a vacancy opens on the U.S. Supreme Court, Jackson is elevated and Biden gains the opportunity to fill her seat and maintain the court’s narrow liberal majority.

District of Columbia

The U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia is the sole trial court that feeds into the D.C. Circuit. It is also a court of many firsts: the first Article III trial court to have a female judge, and the first Article III trial court to have an African American judge. Today, the 15-member court has two vacancies, both with pending nominees on the Senate floor: D.C. Superior Court Judge Florence Pan; and civil rights attorney Jia Cobb. Of the remaining judges on the court, only one, Judge Colleen Kollar-Kotelly, is eligible for senior status. Barring any moves on her part, additional vacancies are unlikely.

Federal Circuit

Court of Appeals

The Federal Circuit is the newest kid of the block in terms of federal courts, having only been created in 1982. Unlike other federal courts of appeal, which hear appeals from geographic areas, the Federal Circuit is specialized by subject matter, hearing patent cases, as well as appeals from a variety of Article I and Article III tribunals. It is also the only circuit not to see a vacancy during the Trump Administration. However, so far, only eight months into the Biden Administration, it has already seen two. The first, opened by Judge Evan Wallach’s move to senior status in May, has already been filled by Judge Tiffany Cunningham. The second will open next March when Judge Kate O’Malley, an Obama appointee like Wallach, will retire. No nominee has been named for the second vacancy so far.

There is significant potential for additional turnover on the Federal Circuit. Setting aside O’Malley, another four judges on the Circuit are eligible for senior status: Judges Pauline Newman, Alan Lourie, Timothy Dyk, and Sharon Prost. Three of the four are over eighty years old, with one, Judge Newman, being 94 (and the oldest active judge on the Federal Courts of Appeal). Furthermore, Judge Jimmie Reyna, an Obama appointee, becomes eligible for senior status next year, creating another potential vacancy. To be fair, it is unlikely that all of these seats will open. However, the last time that the Federal Circuit had so many judges poised for senior status eligibility, in the late 2000s, then President Obama named seven judges to the Court. For his part, Biden already has the opportunity to name two and will likely get at least one more vacancy before the end of the 117th Congress.

Court of International Trade

The United States Court of International Trade adjudicates civil actions arising from customs and trade laws, and its cases feed into the Federal Circuit on appeal. The Court is composed of nine judges, and, by statute, no more than five of those can be of the same political party. As a result, Presidents frequently make cross-party appointments to avoid violating this threshold. Currently, the court has four Obama appointees, three Trump appointees, and two vacancies. There are currently two-cross party judges on the court: Obama appointee Jennifer Choe-Groves; and Trump appointee Timothy Reif. Thus, Biden cannot fill both vacancies on the court with Democrats. Of the judges serving on the bench, none is close to eligibility for senior status, which makes it unlikely that additional vacancies will open on the Court in the next year.

Court of Federal Claims

After years of chronic shortages, a surge of confirmations late in the Trump Presidency brought the Court of Federal Claims down to just three vacancies by the time Biden was sworn in. Since then, a fourth vacancy has opened with Judge Lydia Griggsby’s confirmation to the District of Maryland. Of the four vacancies, two have nominees: Armando Bonilla and Carolyn Lerner. With an overwhelming majority of the court having been appointed over the last two years, no new vacancies are expected on the court after the current ons are filled.

Kelley Hodge – Nominee to the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania

In 2017, Kelley Hodge became the first African American woman to serve as District Attorney for Philadelphia. Hodge is now poised to become a federal judge in the city.

Background

Born November 17, 1971in Abingdon, Pennsylvania, Kelley Brisbon Hodge grew up in Montgomery County. She received a B.A. from the University of Virginia in 1993 and a J.D. from the University of Richmond T.C. Williams School of Law in 1996. Hodge then joined the Richmond Public Defender’s Office.

In 2004, Hodge joined the Philadelphia District Attorney’s Office. In 2011, Hodge was appointed by Governor Tom Corbett to be safe schools advocate in Philadelphia and from 2015 to 2016, she was executive assistant to the president of the University of Virginia before returning to Pennsylvania to be of counsel at the firm of Elliott Greenleaf.

In 2017, after the resignation of Philadelphia District Attorney Seth Williams, Hodge was appointed to be interim D.A., which she held until the inauguration of Larry Krasner in 2018.

Hodge subsequently returned to Elliott Greenleaf, where she stayed until moving to Fox Rothschild’s Philadelphia office in 2020, where she currently serves.

History of the Seat

Hodge has been nominated for a seat on the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania. This seat opened on June 1, 2021, when Judge Petrese Tucker moved to senior status.

Legal Experience

Hodge has held a variety of legal positions throughout her career, from serving as a public defender, a prosecutor, in private practice, and in policy positions. She started her career at the Richmond Public Defender’s office, where she defended Roosevelt Brackett, who was charged with arson and murder for allegedly setting his friend on fire. See Alan Cooper, Man Convicted of Murder, Arson; Ruled Responsible for Friend’s Third-Degree Burns and Death, Richmond Times-Dispatch, Jan. 9, 2001. She also defended Donald McMillian, who was convicted of murder for stabbing Lonnice Wilson. See Alan Cooper, Judge Convicts Richmond Man of Murder in Stabbing, Richmond Times-Dispatch, Feb. 2, 2002.

In 2004, Hodge moved to become a prosecutor in Philadelphia. While with the office, Hodge prosecuted Dante Robinson for attempted murder, robbery, and weapons related charges arising from the shooting of a delivery driver in Southwest Philadelphia. See Julie Shaw, Daily News Driver Describes Holdup-Shooting, The Philadelphia Daily News, Aug. 11, 2007. Hodge also worked to establish Philadelphia’s Veterans Court. See Karen Heller, Veterans Court Winning Cases, The Philadelphia Inquirer, May 26, 2010.

In 2011, Governor Tom Corbett, a Republican appointed Hodge to the Pennsylvania Commission on Crime and Delinquency to be a safe schools advocate in Philadelphia. In her role, Hodge worked on issues of crime and bullying at Germantown High School. See Dylan Purcell and Susan Snyder, Crime Lurks in Little-Used Areas of Philadelphia Schools, The Philadelphia Inquirer, May 11, 2012.

In 2017, after the resignation of Philadelphia DA Seth Williams, the city’s judges chose Hodge to serve out his term. See Chris Brennan, Judges Will Vote, Via Top Hat, For Interim DA, The Philadelphia Inquirer, July 19, 2017. While she headed the office, Hodge oversaw a series of prosecutions on illegal street gambling. See Chris Brennan, ‘Family Affair’: 9 Nabbed in Alleged Long-Running Philly Street Lottery, The Philadelphia Inquirer, Oct. 21, 2017. She also worked with Attorney General Josh Shapiro to prosecute Democratic members of an election board with intimidating Republican and Green party voters and seeking to change ballots. See Chris Brennan, Election Fraud Charges Filed in 197th District Special Election, The Philadelphia Inquirer, Oct. 31, 2017.

After returning to private practice, Hodge was appointed to a three-person committee overseeing the distribution of funds to victims of child abuse from the Philadelphia Achdiocese. See Mark Scolforo, Pennsylvania Dioceses Outline Child Sex Abuse Victim Funds, A.P. State & Local, Nov. 8, 2018. Hodge was also hired to conduct an external investigation at Vassar University regarding innappropriate behavior by women’s basketball coach Candice Signor-Brown. See Head Coach Signor-Brown Departed from Vassar Amidst Multiple Investigations, Swarthmore Phoenix, Nov. 20, 2020. She was also hired by the Sharon Hill Borough to conduct an independent use of force investigation after the shooting death of an 8 year old at a football game. See Robert Moran, DA: Initial Tests Say Police Shot 8-Year-Old; Fanta Bility Died, 3 Were Injured After Sharon Hill Football Game. A Grand Jury Empaneling Is Sought, Philadelphia Inquirer, Sept. 28, 2021.

Political Activity

Hodge is a Democrat and donated $500 to the Presidential campaign of Kamala Harris in 2020.

Overall Assessment

Hodge has, over the course of a 25 year legal career, built experience in criminal and civil law. As she has the bipartisan support of her home state senators, she will likely sail to confirmation.

To Renominate or Not to Renominate: A Question For Any Incoming President

At the end of 2020, as the 116th Congress came to an end, it sent back around thirty judicial nominations unconfirmed to President Trump.  Now, as the Biden Administration prepares to take office, it faces a critical question: how many of them, if any, should they renominate to the federal bench.

This is a question facing every incoming Administration, as the old one almost inevitably leaves some judicial nominees unconfirmed.  While putting forward nominees from the prior administration can help with judicial dealmaking and efficiency, it also risks upsetting the President’s base.  So far, no Administration has chosen to renominate all of their predecessor’s pending judges, instead making that determination on an ad hoc basis.

Johnson to Nixon

At the end of the Johnson Administration, for example, two Supreme Court nominees (Abe Fortas to be Chief Justice; and Homer Thornberry to be Associate Justice); one circuit court nominee (Barefoot Sanders for the D.C. Circuit); and three district court nominees (David Bress to District Court for the District of Columbia; Cecil Poole to the Northern District of California; William Byrne to the Central District of California) were left unconfirmed.  President Nixon chose not to renominate any of the Johnson holdovers at the outset of his Administration, instead picking the following:

  • Judge Warren Burger to be Chief Justice of the Supreme Court
  • George MacKinnon to the D.C. Circuit
  • Barrington Daniels Parker to the District Court for D.C.
  • Judge Gerald Levin to the Northern District of California
  • Judge David Williams to the Central District of California

However, in 1971, Nixon did choose to nominate Byrne to a different seat on the Central District of California, where he served until his death in 2006.

Ford to Carter

For his part, after the resignation of Nixon, President Ford largely maintained the same nominees.  However, after his own loss in 1976, Ford had two appellate nominees and eight district court nominees pending before the U.S. Senate.  President Carter chose not to renominate any of the ten.  However, he did later nominate Richard Bilby, who Ford had unsuccessfully put up for a Ninth Circuit seat, for the District of Arizona, where he served until his death in 1998.

Carter to Reagan

At the end of the Carter Administration, the Senate left four appellate nominees and twelve district court nominees pending.  On January 1, 1981, Carter appointed one of the pending nominees, Judge Walter Heen, to the District of Hawaii using a recess appointment.  For his part, President Reagan declined to renominate Heen, letting his appointment expire at the end of the year.  He did, however, renominate two other judges:

  • I. Leo Glasser for the Eastern District of New York
  • John Sprizzo for the Southern District of New York

Reagan to Bush

Perhaps because it was a transition between two Presidents of the same party, President George H.W. Bush was more open to renominating his predecessor’s nominees.  At the end of his term, President Reagan left seven appellate nominees pending:

  • Judith Richards Hope for the D.C. Circuit
  • Stuart Summit for the Second Circuit
  • Jacques Wiener for the Fifth Circuit
  • Ferdinand Francis Fernandez for the Ninth Circuit
  • Pamela Rymer for the Ninth Circuit
  • Guy Hurlbutt for the Ninth Circuit
  • Susan Leibeler for the Federal Circuit

Bush chose to renominate three of the seven (Wiener; Fernandez; and Rymer), who were all confirmed.  To fill the other seats, Bush chose Clarence Thomas, John Walker, Thomas Nelson, and Jay Plager respectively.

Reagan also left ten district court nominees pending:

  • Howard Levitt for the Eastern District of New York
  • James McGregor for the Western District of Pennsylvania
  • Adriane Dudley for the Virgin Islands
  • Marvin Garbis for the District of Maryland
  • Shannon Mason for the Eastern District of Virginia
  • Melinda Harmon for the Southern District of Texas
  • Robert Bonner for the Central District of California
  • Vaughn Walker for the Northern District of California
  • William Erickson for the District of Colorado
  • Donald Abram for the District of Colorado

Of those ten, Bush chose to renominate five (Garbis; Dudley; Harmon; Bonner; Walker).  All of them except for Dudley were confirmed.   For the other seats, Bush nominated the following:

  • Carol Amon for the Eastern District of New York
  • Donald Lee for the Western District of Pennsylvania
  • Rebecca Beach Smith for the Eastern District of Virginia
  • Daniel Sparr for the District of Colorado
  • Edward Nottingham for the District o Colorado

Bush also chose to renominate McGregor to a different seat on the Western District of Pennsylvania in 1990, where he was ultimately blocked by conservative opposition.

Bush to Clinton

At the conclusion of the Bush Administration, ten appellate nominees and forty two district court nominees were left unconfirmed, a significantly higher number than previous Administrations.  Of these fifty two nominees, President Clinton renominated none of the appellate nominees and just two of the district court nominees.

  • David Trager for the Eastern District of New York
  • Joanna Seybert for the Eastern District of New York

However, later in the Administration, Clinton nominated an additional two nominees from the leftover list to different seats.

  • George O’Toole for the District of Massachusetts
  • Richard Casey for the Southern District of New York

Of the remaining forty eight nominees not renominated under Clinton, thirteen were renominated for federal judgeships by President George W. Bush.

  • John Roberts for the D.C. Circuit (subsequently elevated to the Supreme Court)
  • Franklin Van Antwerpen for the Third Circuit
  • Jay Waldman for the Third Circuit (passed away before the Senate could act on the nomination)
  • Terrence Boyle for the Fourth Circuit (never confirmed)
  • Carlos Bea for the Ninth Circuit (Bea had been unsuccessfully nominated to the Northern District of California by H.W. Bush)
  • William Quarles for the District of Maryland
  • Leonard Davis for the Eastern District of Texas
  • Andrew Hanen for the Southern District of Texas
  • Percy Anderson for the Central District of California
  • John Walter for the Central District of California
  • Larry Hicks for the District of Nevada
  • Ronald Leighton for the Western District of Washington
  • James Payne for the Northern District of Oklahoma (jointly with the Eastern and Western Districts)

Clinton to Bush

Similar to George H.W. Bush before him, President Clinton faced an opposition Senate through his final term, and thus, a number of his appellate and district court nominees were left unconfirmed at the end of his term.  Specifically, the Senate did not process seventeen appellate nominees and twenty four district court nominees before the end of the 106th Congress.  In response, President Clinton appointed one of his appellate nominees, Roger Gregory to the Fourth Circuit in a recess appointment.

For his part, George W. Bush renominated three of Clinton’s appointments.  Specifically, Bush renominated:

  • Judge Roger Gregory for the Fourth Circuit
  • Judge Legrome Davis for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania
  • Judge David Cercone for the Western District of Pennsylvania

Additionally, later in his tenure, President Bush renominated an additional two stalled Clinton appellate nominees as part of an agreement with Democrats:

  • Judge Helene White for the Sixth Circuit
  • Judge Christine Arguello for the Tenth Circuit (nominated to the District of Colorado)

Bush to Obama

At the end of the Bush Administration, the Senate left ten appellate and twenty district court nominees unconfirmed.  Of the thirty pending nominees, President Obama renominated just one: Marco Hernandez for the District of Oregon.

However, later in his Administration, Obama nominated another two of the stalled Bush nominees to the federal bench:

  • Judge John Tharp for the Northern District of Illinois
  • William Jung for the Middle District of Florida (never confirmed)

Incidentally, Obama also renominated three stalled Clinton appointees:

  • Judge Andre Davis for the Fourth Circuit
  • Judge James Wynn for the Fourth Circuit
  • Judge Dolly Gee for the Central District of California

Obama to Trump

Due to a dramatic slowdown of confirmations in the last two years of his Presidency, President Obama saw 59 judicial nominees left pending before the Senate, more than any other President in recent history.  This list included one nominee to the U.S. Supreme Court, seven to the courts of appeal, and forty four nominees to the district courts.

Over the course of his term, President Trump renominated sixteen of these nominees, more than any other president in the last fifty years.  Specifically, he renominated:

  • Judge Mary McElroy for the District of Rhode Island
  • Judge Gary Brown for the Eastern District of New York
  • Diane Gujarati for the Eastern District of New York
  • Judge John Milton Younge for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania
  • Judge Susan Paradise Baxter for the Western District of Pennsylvania
  • Judge Marilyn Horan for the Western District of Pennsylvania
  • Judge Robert Colville for the Western District of Pennsylvania
  • Judge Stephanie Gallagher for the District of Maryland
  • Donald Coggins for the District of South Carolina
  • Karen Gren Scholer for the Northern District of Texas (previously nominated to the Eastern District)
  • James Hendrix for the Northern District of Texas
  • Walter Counts for the Western District of Texas
  • David Nye for the District of Idaho
  • Kathleen O’Sullivan for the Western District of Washington (announced but withdrawn before confirmation)
  • Scott Palk for the Western District of Oklahoma
  • William Jung for the Middle District of Florida

Trump also renominated four nominees who stalled under President Bush (not including Jung who is accounted for above).

  • Thomas Marcelle for the Northern District of New York (never confirmed)
  • Colm Connolly for the District of Delaware
  • Thomas Farr for the Eastern District of North Carolina (never confirmed)
  • David Novak for the Eastern District of Virginia

Trump to Biden

President Trump leaves office with twenty six unconfirmed judicial nominees, including one appellate nominee (Judge Raul Arias-Marxuach to the First Circuit); and 21 district court nominees.  These nominees are largely focused on two states: New York, which has six pending nominees; and California, which has ten.  Outside those two states, the remaining five unconfirmed district court picks are:

  • Judge Barbara Jongbloed for the District of Connecticut
  • Jennifer Togliatti for the District of Nevada
  • Fred Federici for the District of New Mexico
  • Brenda Saiz for the District of New Mexico
  • Edmund LaCour for the Middle District of Alabama

Of those five, three: Federici, Saiz, and LaCour, were blocked by Democratic home state senators, and, as such, would be unlikely to be renominated in a Biden Administration.  Jongbloed is a Democrat chosen by Senators Blumenthal and Murphy who cleared the Judiciary Committee unanimously before stalling on the floor.  However, she’s also 61 years old and relatively middle-of-the-road.  Without a Republican Administration, it is more likely that the Senators push for a younger candidate rather than seeking to renominate Jongbloed.  This leaves Togliatti as the most likely contender in this group for renomination.

In addition, the New York and California groups are packages that include a number of Democrats, who could all potentially be renominated.  This includes:

  • Jennifer Rearden for the Southern District of New York
  • Hector Gonzalez for the Eastern District of New York
  • Judge Steve Kim for the Central District of California
  • Judge Sandy Leal for the Central District of California
  • Knut Johnson for the Southern District of California
  • Shireen Matthews for the Southern District of California

In addition, Biden may look to the thirty five Obama nominees who were not renominated by Trump.  Of those, many are likely too old to be considered for nomination today, but the following could be considered for current vacancies:

  • Inga Bernstein for the District of Massachusetts (Bernstein turns 60 this year so she may be passed over for a younger candidate)
  • Julien Neals for the District of New Jersey (will almost certainly be renominated)
  • Anne Traum for the District of Nevada (will likely be renominated)
  • Beth Andrus, Kathleen O’Sullivan, and J. Michael Diaz for the Western District of Washington (will likely be renominated)
  • Regina Rodriguez for the District of Colorado

Additionally, the following could be considered for renomination if vacancies open:

  • Rebecca Ross Haywood for the Third Circuit
  • Judge Lucy Koh for the Ninth Circuit or the Federal Circuit
  • Stephanie Finley for the Western District of Louisiana
  • Judge E. Scott Frost for the Northern District of Texas
  • Judge Irma Ramirez for the Northern District of Texas
  • Edward Stanton for the Western District of Tennessee
  • Clare Connors for the District of Hawaii
  • Judge Suzanne Mitchell for the Western District of Oklahoma
  • Judge Patricia Barksdale for the Middle District of Florida
  • Judge Philip Lammens for the Northern or the Middle Districts of Florida

As a bottom line, every President since Nixon has renominated at least one of their predecessor’s failed nominees for the federal bench.  As such, it would not be surprising to see at least a few unconfirmed nominees from the past two Administrations put forward again by President Biden.

Meet the Shortlisters: Amul Thapar

This is the second time that Judge Amul Roger Thapar has been considered by President Trump for a Supreme Court appointment.  Last year, Thapar was interviewed by Trump and White House Counsel Don McGahn for the seat opened by Justice Scalia’s death, despite only being a District Court judge at the time.[1]  Shortly after, Thapar was nominated to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit (Trump’s first lower court judicial nominee) and was confirmed on a party-line 52-44 vote.

Vital Statistics

Name: Amul Roger Thapar

Age: 49

Current Position: Judge on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit since 2017

Education: B.S. from Boston College; J.D. from U.C. Berkeley School of Law

Clerkships: Judge S. Arthur Spiegel on the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of Ohio; Judge Nathaniel Jones on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit

Prior Experience: Associate at Williams & Connolly; Assistant U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of Ohio; U.S. Attorney for the Eastern District of Kentucky; U.S. District Judge for the Eastern District of Kentucky

Jurisprudence

Thapar has served on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit since May 25, 2017.  In the past thirteen months on the Sixth Circuit, Thapar has authored approximately forty opinions.  These opinions are mostly unanimous, with only two sparking a dissent by a panel judge.[2]  In one case, Thapar reversed summary judgment against plaintiffs in a civil rights case for a warrantless entry, but held that a malicious prosecution claim was forfeited.[3]  In dissent, Judge Eric Clay noted:

“While it is true that Plaintiffs could have done a better job presenting their argument as to this claim, the brief is not so lacking in support and development as to consider the argument forfeited or waived. Indeed, Plaintiffs discussed the issue for four pages, throughout which they cited the standard for a malicious prosecution claim and identified sections of the record purportedly showing that elements of the claim are disputed. Plaintiffs also identified statements in the police report that they contend are false. Therefore, Plaintiffs have done enough in their brief for their argument not to be considered forfeited or waived.”[4]

In criminal and civil rights cases, Thapar has generally struck a conservative tone.  For example, in Fields v. Henry County, Tenn. (decided while he was sitting by designation), Thapar held that the Constitution did not prohibit the automatic detention of domestic violence arrestees, holding that there is no constitutional right to speedy bail.[5]  In another notable case, while sitting by designation on the Sixth Circuit, Thapar held that a defendant’s purchase of a one-month subscription to a child pornography website sixteen months earlier created probable cause for a search of his home.[6]  Thapar’s reasoning was lambasted in dissent by Judge Karen Nelson Moore, who suggested that Thapar had a “radical view of probable cause” that was “far more expansive than any circuit had taken to date.”[7]

Thapar has, on occasion, issued decisions that could be considered more “liberal.”  For example, Thapar held that police officers were protected by the First Amendment in exposing illegal wiretapping of private conversations conducted by law enforcement.[8]  In another case, Thapar affirmed the suppression of evidence where the searching officer did not abide by the conditions of the anticipatory warrant issued.[9]

Before his elevation, Thapar served on the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Kentucky for nine years.  During this time, Thapar maintained a fairly conservative record, particularly on criminal issues.[10]  In civil cases, Thapar also developed a reputation for denying motions for summary judgment in cases where factual disputes required cases to go to the jury.[11]

Notably, as a District Judge, Thapar struck down several canons of the Kentucky Code of Judicial Conduct, including restrictions on holding political fundraisers.[12]  The Sixth Circuit affirmed most of Thapar’s opinion but reversed his striking of the political fundraiser restriction.[13]

Why Trump Could Choose Thapar as His Nominee

By all accounts, Trump is looking for credentialed young conservatives for the Supreme Court.  Thapar meets all three criteria: he has strong academic credentials; is younger than every Supreme Court nominee since Clarence Thomas; and has a relatively conservative record on the bench.  Furthermore, Thapar is strongly supported by Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, and would likely be confirmed smoothly, given his mentor’s strong reputation among the Senate Republican Caucus.  Finally, Thapar would make history as the first Indian American, Asian American, and South Asian American Supreme Court Justice, potentially blunting the effectiveness of attacks painting him as a conservative ideologue.

Why Trump Would Not Choose Thapar as His Nominee

Trump has apparently asked that his nominee have stellar academic credentials and a strong body of academic writings.[14]  In contrast with other shortlisters, Thapar did not attend Harvard or Yale, did not clerk on the U.S. Supreme Court, and has authored just three academic articles in his entire career.

Furthermore, Thapar’s jurisprudence, while conservative, also includes a fair share of liberal anomalies.  This may lead Trump to more “reliably” conservative nominees.

Expected Lines of Attack

If Thapar is nominated, expect ads to focus on his connection to McConnell, who remains significantly less popular than Trump.  Furthermore, Thapar may face criticism for his overturning of canons in Kentucky’s Code of Judicial Conduct, which may be paralleled to the Supreme Court’s ruling in Citizens United.

Likelihood of Being Nominated

Thapar would not be where he is today without the support of Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-KY), who was Thapar’s sponsor as he became the first Indian American to serve as U.S. Attorney for a federal district, the first Indian American to serve as an Article III federal judge, and finally, the first Indian American judge on the Sixth Circuit.  As such, one can only assume that the powerful McConnell is (at least partially) responsible for Thapar’s consideration for the Supreme Court.

However, given his limited academic record and his (relatively) unpredictable jurisprudence, I’d predict that Thapar is the least likely of the five finalists to be nominated.


[1] Shane Goldmacher, Eliana Johnson, & Josh Gerstein, How Trump Got to Yes on Gorsuch, Politico, Jan. 31, 2017, https://www.politico.com/story/2017/01/trump-supreme-court-gorsuch-234474.  

[2] See Stein v. Atlas Indus., Inc., No. 17-3737, 2018 WL 1719097, at *6 (6th Cir. Apr. 9, 2018) (Batchelder, J., dissenting) (dissenting from majority opinion reversing dismissal of plaintiff’s ERISA claim); Brenay v. Schartow, 709 F. App’x 331, 337 (6th Cir. 2017) (Clay, J., dissenting) (stating that Plaintiffs did not waive their malicious prosecution claims).

[3] Brenay v. Schartow, 709 F. App’x 331.

[4] Id. at 338 (Clay, J., dissenting).

[5] See Fields v. Henry Cnty., Tenn., 701 F.3d 180, 185 (6th Cir. 2012).

[6] See United States v. Frechette, 583 F.3d 374, 376 (6th Cir. 2009).

[7] Id. at 381 (Moore, J., dissenting).

[8] Kiessel v. Oltersdorf, 459 Fed. Appx. 510 (6th Cir. 2012).

[9] United States v. Perkins, 887 F.3d 272 (6th Cir. 2018).

[10] See Harsh Voruganti, Judge Amul R. Thapar – Nominee to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit, The Vetting Room, Apr. 26, 2017, https://vettingroom.org/2017/04/26/judge-amul-r-thapar-nominee-to-the-u-s-court-of-appeals-for-the-sixth-circuit/.  

[11] See Voruganti, supra n. 2.

[12] Winter v. Wolnitzek, 56 F. Supp. 3d 884, 889 (E.D. Ky. 2014).

[13] Winter v. Wolnitzek, 834 F.3d 681 (6th Cir. 2016).

[14] Michelle Mark, Trump Has Narrowed His Supreme Court Nominee Shortlist to 5 Candiates – And There Are Reportedly 3 Qualities the Winner Must Embody, Business Insider, June 30, 2018, http://www.businessinsider.com/trump-supreme-court-nominee-shortlist-3-main-qualities-2018-6.  

Judge Amul R. Thapar – Nominee to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit

Judge Amul Roger Thapar has broken many barriers in his life.  He was the first Indian American to serve as U.S. Attorney for a federal district, the first Indian American to serve as an Article III federal judge, and finally, the first nominee to a lower court vacancy by the Trump Administration.  For each of these steps, Thapar has one man to thank, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-KY), who has carefully steered his protege’s career.  Nevertheless, setting aside McConnell’s influence, Thapar’s conservative record and relative youth make him an ideal candidate for a judgeship under a Republican Administration.

Background

Amul Roger Thapar was born to a family of Indian immigrants in Detroit, Michigan on Apr. 29, 1969.  Thapar attended Boston College and UC Berkeley School of Law, receiving his J.D. in 1994.  After graduating, Thapar clerked for Judge J. Arthur Spiegel on the Southern District of Ohio and Sixth Circuit Judge Nathaniel Jones.  After a short stint as an associate at Williams and Connolly, Thapar joined the U.S. Attorney’s Office in Washington D.C.

In 2002, Thapar joined the U.S. Attorney’s Office in the Southern District of Ohio.  During this time, Thapar volunteered for the campaigns of several Kentucky Republicans, including Gov. Ernie Fletcher, Sen. Jim Bunning, Secretary of State Trey Grayson, and Congressman Geoff Davis, as well as the re-election campaign of President George W. Bush.

Despite having no previous work experience in Kentucky, Thapar was handpicked by McConnell to serve as the U.S. Attorney for the Eastern District of Kentucky in 2006, replacing Gregory Van Tatenhove, who had been confirmed to a federal judgeship.  As the chief federal prosecutor in Eastern Kentucky, Thapar supervised all civil and criminal litigation in the district.

In May 2007, only a year after becoming the U.S. Attorney, the then 38-year-old Thapar was nominated for a federal district court seat vacated by Judge Joseph Hood.  The Democratic controlled Senate Judiciary Committee gave Thapar a hearing on Oct. 24, 2007.[1]  The Committee unanimously approved Thapar’s nomination on Nov. 15, 2007.[2]  Thapar was then unanimously confirmed by the Senate on Dec. 13, 2007, making him the then youngest Article III judge in the country.[3]

History of the Seat

Thapar has been nominated for a Kentucky seat on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit.  This seat opened four years ago with the retirement of Judge Boyce Martin, a fierce liberal voice on the circuit.[4]  Martin’s retirement in 2013 gave then-President Barack Obama the first opportunity to fill the seat.  However, the Senate’s blue slip process allowed McConnell and Sen. Rand Paul (R-KY) veto power over Obama’s choices.  After negotiating with McConnell for two years, Obama nominated Kentucky Supreme Court Justice Lisabeth Tabor Hughes for the seat.[5]  Hughes, who would have been the first female judge from Kentucky on the Sixth Circuit, was blocked by McConnell, who argued that he was not consulted on the choice.[6]  Other observers believed, however, that McConnell was leaving the seat open for the candidate he wanted to fill the position: Thapar.[7]

Without McConnell’s support, Hughes’ nomination never received a hearing in the Republican-controlled Senate, and was returned at the end of the Obama Administration.  Less than two months later, Thapar was nominated for the seat.

Jurisprudence

In his nine years on the federal bench, Thapar has authored more than 600 orders and opinions.  These opinions are frequently peppered with colloquialisms, aphorisms, and other forms of folksy language.[8]  While Thapar’s record generally indicates a conservative judicial philosophy, there are some notable characteristics that suggest a more independent bent.

Willingness to Let Civil Cases Reach the Jury

A trial judge is supposed to grant summary judgment when there is no substantial dispute of facts between the parties for a jury to resolve.  In some cases, judges grant summary judgment to dismiss cases even where substantial factual disputes remain.[9]  While Thapar has granted summary judgement to defendants in many cases,[10]  his overall record indicates a willingness to allow juries to resolve factual disputes.[11]

For example, in one case, Thapar noted:

“In baseball, ties go to the runner. In summary judgment, ties go to the plaintiff. Why? Because civil litigants have a right to a jury trial. And when a case comes down to a close call, the jury must be the one to make it.”[12]

Similarly, Thapar noted in another case:

“Courts are ill-equipped to resolve disputes between experts about critical facts, and at the summary judgment stage, courts are not authorized to do so. So it should come as no surprise that the heavily factual dispute between the parties here must proceed to trial.”[13]

In yet another case, where the plaintiff sued Walmart for failure to adequately clear a spill, Thapar denied Walmart’s motion for summary judgement, arguing that a jury should decide if Walmart had sufficient time to notice and clean the spill.[14]

Mixed Record on Criminal Procedural Protections

As a former prosecutor, one would expect Thapar to take a narrow view of Fourth, Fifth, and Sixth Amendment protections.  While there are a handful of cases in which Thapar has granted suppression motions based on violations of procedural rights, his overall jurisprudence generally sides against defendants.

For example, Thapar has repeatedly upheld searches and seizures from Fourth Amendment challenges.[15]  In U.S. v. Frechette, while sitting by designation on the Sixth Circuit, Thapar held that the purchase of a one-month subscription to a child pornography site provided “probable cause” for a search warrant.[16]  Thapar’s opinion sparked a fierce dissent by Judge Karen Nelson Moore, who noted that Thapar’s “radical view of probable cause” was “far more expansive than any circuit had taken to date.”[17]

In another case, Thapar held that officers did not violate the Fourth Amendment where they took the suspect to a hospital to undergo a digital rectal exam.[18]  Specifically, Thapar relied on the fact that officers reasonably believed that the medical exam was necessary to the suspect, and that they did not ask for the rectal exam.[19]

However, in a few cases, Thapar has sided with defendants against law enforcement or prosecutorial overreach.[20]  In one case, Thapar found that DEA agents violated the Fourth Amendment by placing a GPS tracker on a defendant’s car without a warrant.[21]  In another, case, Thapar held that law enforcements erroneously relied on a warrant that was not supported by probable cause in searching a defendant’s home, and as such, all items found in the search must be suppressed.[22]

Willingness to Overrule Administrative Rulings on Disability Claims

The Eastern District of Kentucky covers many counties where residents rely on coal mining as the chief source of employment.  As a result, the judges of the Eastern District hear many appeals from denials of benefits from the Social Security Administration.  In these cases, judges are generally asked to defer to the findings of the Administrative Law Judges (ALJs) below.  As such, reversals are rare. 

Thapar’s cases generally follow this pattern.  In most of the social security appeals he has heard, Thapar has affirmed the decision of the ALJ below.[23]  However, in a number of cases, Thapar has reversed the ALJ, ruling that they have failed to support their ruling denying benefits.[24]  For example, in one case, Thapar held that the ALJ had failed to adequately support his ruling that the plaintiff was not disabled.[25]

Prominent Reversals

Over his eight year tenure on the Eastern District of Kentucky, approximately fifteen of Thapar’s opinions have been reversed by the Sixth Circuit, or the Supreme Court.  Here is a summary of the more prominent reversals.

Reversals by the Sixth Circuit

Hill v. Lappin – This case involved a prisoner, Hill, who brought a Bivens action arguing that he was placed in segregated housing in retaliation for grievances he had filed against prison staff.  Thapar dismissed the case, stating that prisoners did not have a constitutional right to avoid prison transfers or segregation.[26]  The Sixth Circuit reversed in an opinion by Judge Ronald Gilman.[27]  Judge Gilman argued that Hill had successfully pled a First Amendment retaliation claim.[28]

Turner v. Astrue – This case involved an appeal from denial of benefits by an ALJ.  While Thapar reversed the denial of benefits, he ruled that the plaintiff was not entitled to attorney’s fees.[29]  The Sixth Circuit reversed, holding that the plaintiff had earned attorney’s fees under the Equal Access to Justice Act.[30]

Sours v. Big Sandy Reg’l Jail Auth. – This case involved a suit against a state prison after an inmate died of complications from diabetes.  Thapar held that the prison nurse and other officials were entitled to summary judgment.[31]  The Sixth Circuit affirmed the grant of summary judgment against most prison officials, but reversed the grant with respect to the nurse.[32]

United States v. Badger – This case involved a $5000 fine imposed on a prisoner by Thapar.  To ensure collection of the fine, Thapar ordered the garnishment of funds from the prisoner’s prison account.[33]  The Sixth Circuit reversed the garnishment, holding that the law only permitted garnishment when the prisoner was already in default on the fine.[34]

United States v. Walli – This case involved three defendants who were opposed to the proliferation of nuclear weapons.  The defendants broke into a nuclear facility, and vandalized it with banners and human blood.  Thapar affirmed the defendants’ convictions for willful injury of national defense premises with intent to harm the national defense.[35]  The Sixth Circuit reversed in an opinion by Judge Raymond Kethledge, holding that the defendants did not “intend” to harm the national defense.[36]

Winter v. Wolnitzek – This case involved challenges to a number of canons in the Kentucky Code of Judicial Conduct.  Thapar struck down the canons, ruling that they violated the First Amendment.[37]  On appeal, the Sixth Circuit, in an opinion by Judge Jeffrey Sutton, affirmed most of the rulings, but held that one canon, which prohibited judges from holding political fundraisers, was not unconstitutional.[38]

Summary Reversals by the Supreme Court

Lovell v. Duffey – In this case, Thapar, sitting by designation on the Sixth Circuit, joined a decision by Judge Ronald Gilman rejecting a claim for ineffective assistance of counsel made by a state court prisoner.[39]  The Supreme Court summarily reversed the ruling, remanding it for consideration in light of its ruling in Cullen v. Pinholster.[40]

Overall Assessment

Being the first is not always ideal.  The first judicial nominee sent by a polarizing President often brings unwarranted scrutiny.  Judge David Hamilton, President Obama’s first nominee to the federal bench, was, by all accounts, a moderate, credentialed, and well-liked candidate.  He nevertheless faced a well-organized smear campaign smearing him as a radical extremist.

It remains to be seen if Thapar will face a similar campaign.  But, looking at his record, there is nothing to suggest that he will be an extremist on the bench.  Thapar has made decisions that have been reversed by higher courts, as has virtually every district judge in the country.  Nevertheless, there is no pattern in these reversals that suggest that Thapar is ruling based on his personal views.  Rather, his record suggests that, while Thapar is conservative, he is nonetheless a judge who takes the law seriously.

Setting aside his demographic fame as the first Indian American to take a Sixth Circuit seat, Thapar is unquestionably qualified for this appointment, and likely would be a credit to the court.


[1] Confirmation Hearings on Federal Appointments Before the S. Comm. on the Judiciary, 110th Cong. Serial No. J-110-15 (2007) (Statement of Sen. Patrick Leahy).

[2] Executive Business Meeting Before the S. Comm. on the Judiciary, 110th Cong. Serial No. J-110-15 (2007) (Statement of Sen. Patrick Leahy).

[3] This record would be broken by the confirmation of Judge Edmond Chang three years later.

[4] Sam Roberts, Boyce F. Martin, Jr., Liberal U.S. Judge in Seminal Cases, Dies at 80, N.Y. Times, Jun 7, 2016, https://www.nytimes.com/2016/06/08/us/boyce-f-martin-jr-liberal-federal-appellate-judge-dies-at-80.html?_r=0.

[5] Press Release, The White House, President Obama Nominates Justice Lisabeth Tabor Hughes to Serve on the United States Court of Appeals (Mar. 17, 2016) (on file with the White House).

[6] Joseph Gerth, McConnell Rejects Obama Choice of Ky. Judge, Louisville Courier Journal, Mar. 18, 2016, http://www.courier-journal.com/story/news/politics/2016/03/18/mcconnell-says-he-kill-6th-circuit-nomination/81971446/ (quoting Robert Steurer, spokesperson for McConnell) (“Rather than work with [McConnell] to fill this vacancy, [the Obama White House] submitted Justice Hughes without even notifying Leader McConnell.  He will not support action on this nomination.”).

[7] Id. (“Louisville lawyer Sheryl Snyder said that he believes that McConnell is backing U.S. District Judge Amul Thapar…”).

[8] See, e.g., Nationwide Mut. Fire Ins. Co. v. Nelson, 912 F. Supp. 2d 452, 453 (E.D. Ky. 2012) (“After Nelson’s lie, he quickly learned that Nationwide was no longer on his side.”).

[9] See, e.g., Burgess v. Bowen, 466 F. App’x 272, 284 (4th Cir. 2012) (reversing grant of summary judgment in a case with “an abundance of genuine factual disputes on material issues”).

[10] See, e.g., Collins v. Penske Truck Leasing Corp., No. CV 13-181-ART, 2015 WL 5698536, at *1 (E.D. Ky. Sept. 28, 2015); Mountain Motorsports Paving & Const. LLC v. Yamaha Motor Corp., U.S.A., No. CIV. 14-76-ART, 2014 WL 5341865, at *1 (E.D. Ky. Oct. 20, 2014); Perry v. Corr. Corp. of Am., No. CIV. 11-150-ART, 2012 WL 5289413, at *1 (E.D. Ky. Oct. 23, 2012); Boggs v. 3M Co., No. CIV. 11-57-ART, 2012 WL 3644967, at *1 (E.D. Ky. Aug. 24, 2012), aff’d, 527 F. App’x 415 (6th Cir. 2013).

[11] See, e.g., Worldwide Equip. Enterprises, Inc. v. Broan-Nuton LLC, 191 F. Supp. 3d 684, 691 (E.D. Ky. 2016); City of Pikeville, Kentucky v. Broan-Nutone, LLC, No. CV 15-71-ART, 2016 WL 2843916, at *1 (E.D. Ky. May 10, 2016) (holding that the plaintiff did not need expert evidence to prove damages); Griffith v. Conn, No. CV 11-157-ART-EBA, 2016 WL 1029331, at *1 (E.D. Ky. Mar. 14, 2016); Holder v. Saunders, No. CV 13-38-ART, 2015 WL 6756374, at *1 (E.D. Ky. Nov. 4, 2015); Adler v. Elk Glenn, LLC, No. CIV. 12-85-ART, 2013 WL 6632057, at *1 (E.D. Ky. Dec. 17, 2013); EQT Gathering, LLC v. A Tract of Prop. Situated in Knott Cty., Ky., 970 F. Supp. 2d 655, 657 (E.D. Ky. 2013); Nevels v. Deerbook Ins. Co., No. CIV. 10-83-ART, 2011 WL 3903209, at *1 (E.D. Ky. Sept. 6, 2011); Recycling Sols. Tech., LLC v. Rosenberg, No. CIV.A. 10-55-ART, 2011 WL 1696826, at *1 (E.D. Ky. May 4, 2011); Ziarko v. Crawford Law Offices, PLLC, No. CIV 10-153-ART, 2010 WL 5059569, at *1 (E.D. Ky. Dec. 6, 2010).  See also Brown v. Travelers Cas. Ins. Co. of Am., No. 15-50-ART, 2016 WL 1644342, at *4 (E.D. Ky. Apr. 25, 2016) (denying a motion for judgment on the pleadings).

[12] Bentley v. Highlands Hosp. Corp., No. CV 15-97-ART, 2016 WL 7234757, at *1 (E.D. Ky. Dec. 13, 2016) (internal citations omitted).

[13] Am. Towers LLC v. BPI, Inc., No. CIV. 12-139-ART, 2014 WL 3818193, at *1 (E.D. Ky. Aug. 4, 2014).

[14] Stanley v. Walmart Stores E., LP, No. 15-86-ART, 2016 WL 3079837, at *3 (E.D. Ky. May 31, 2016).

[15] See United States v. Herrera, 636 F. App’x 250, 254 (6th Cir. 2016); United States v. Lovell, No. CRIM. 14-25-ART-10, 2014 WL 7069317, at *1 (E.D. Ky. Dec. 12, 2014); United States v. Roos, No. CRIM. 12-09-2-ART, 2013 WL 1136629, at *1 (E.D. Ky. Mar. 18, 2013); United States v. Cunnagin, No. CRIM. 10-31-ART, 2011 WL 4072817, at *1 (E.D. Ky. Sept. 13, 2011); United States v. Marcum, No. CRIM. 10-53-ART, 2011 WL 1115000, at *1 (E.D. Ky. Mar. 25, 2011); United States v. Polly, No. CRIM. 10-25-ART, 2010 WL 3984936, at *1 (E.D. Ky. Oct. 8, 2010); United States v. Pennington, No. CRIM.10-11-ART, 2010 WL 3724841, at *1 (E.D. Ky. Sept. 17, 2010); United States v. Dadanovic, No. CRIM. 09-63-ART, 2010 WL 3620251, at *1 (E.D. Ky. Sept. 10, 2010); U.S. Taylor, No. CRIM. 09-43-ART, 2010 WL 3190740, at *1 (E.D. Ky. Aug. 11, 2010); United States v. Goetting, No. CRIM.09-60(1)&(2)ART, 2010 WL 989035, at *1 (E.D. Ky. Mar. 15, 2010).

[16] United States v. Frechette, 583 F.3d 374, 376 (6th Cir. 2009).

[17] Id. at 381 (Moore, J., dissenting).

[18] United States v. Shepherd, No. CRIM. 13-25-ART-EBA-, 2014 WL 4594565, at *1 (E.D. Ky. Sept. 15, 2014), aff’d, 646 F. App’x 385 (6th Cir. 2016).

[19] Id.

[20] See, e.g., United States v. Sydnor, No. CR 16-21-ART-HAI-(2), 2017 WL 772341, at *6 (E.D. Ky. Feb. 28, 2017) (suppressing non-Mirandized statement as elicited in violation of the Fifth Amendment).

[21] United States v. Lee, 862 F. Supp. 2d 560, 562 (E.D. Ky. 2012).

[22] See United States v. Rice, 704 F. Supp. 2d 667, 668 (E.D. Ky. 2010).

[23] See, e.g., Oaks v. Colvin, No. CV 15-249-ART, 2016 WL 6133859, at *1 (E.D. Ky. Mar. 30, 2016); Eaton v. Colvin, No. CV 15-111-ART, 2015 WL 12683970, at *1 (E.D. Ky. Dec. 23, 2015); Roberts v. Colvin, No. CV 15-164-ART, 2015 WL 12661963, at *1 (E.D. Ky. Dec. 22, 2015); Morgan v. Colvin, No. CV 15-45-ART, 2015 WL 12672119, at *1 (E.D. Ky. Dec. 7, 2015); Rolf v. Colvin, No. CV 14-56-ART, 2014 WL 12567181, at *1 (E.D. Ky. Oct. 24, 2014); Morgan v. Astrue, No. CIV. 12-36-ART, 2012 WL 6623266, at *1 (E.D. Ky. Dec. 19, 2012). 

[24] Buchanan v. Colvin, No. CV 13-133-ART, 2014 WL 12649006, at *1 (E.D. Ky. May 12, 2014) (reversing the ALJ for failing to follow the “treating physician” rule); Thomas v. Colvin, No. CIV. 12-157-ART, 2013 WL 2103143, at *1 (E.D. Ky. May 13, 2013); Coleman v. Astrue, No. CIV. 12-172-ART, 2013 WL 173196, at *1 (E.D. Ky. Jan. 16, 2013);

[25] Pike v. Colvin, No. CV 13-154-ART, 2014 WL 12573849, at *1 (E.D. Ky. Feb. 11, 2014).

[26] Hill v. Lappin, No. CIV.A. 09-07-ART, 2009 WL 1036127, at *1 (E.D. Ky. Apr. 17, 2009), rev’d, 630 F.3d 468 (6th Cir. 2010).

[27] Hill v. Lappin, 630 F.3d 468 (6th Cir. 2010).

[28] Id. at 471-72.

[29] Turner v. Astrue, 764 F. Supp. 2d 864, 866 (E.D. Ky. 2010).

[30] Turner v. Comm’r of Soc. Sec., 680 F.3d 721 (6th Cir. 2012).

[31] Sours v. Big Sandy Reg’l Jail Auth., 946 F. Supp. 2d 678, 681 (E.D. Ky. 2013).

[32] Sours v. Big Sandy Reg’l Jail Auth., 593 F. App’x 478 (6th Cir. 2014).

[33] United States v. Badger, No. CRIM. 13-3-ART, 2013 WL 5529329, at *2 (E.D. Ky. Oct. 1, 2013).

[34] United States v. Badger, 581 F. App’x 541 (6th Cir. 2014).

[35] United States v. Walli, 976 F. Supp. 2d 998, 1006–07 (E.D. Tenn. 2013).

[36] United States v. Walli, 785 F.3d 1080 (6th Cir. 2015).

[37] Winter v. Wolnitzek, 56 F. Supp. 3d 884, 889 (E.D. Ky. 2014).

[38] Winter v. Wolnitzek, 834 F.3d 681 (6th Cir. 2016).

[39] Lovell v. Duffey, 629 F.3d 587, 588 (6th Cir. 2011), cert. granted, judgment vacated, 566 U.S. 902, 132 S. Ct. 1790, 182 L. Ed. 2d 613 (2012).

[40] Lovell v. Duffey, 566 U.S. 902, 132 S. Ct. 1790, 182 L. Ed. 2d 613 (2012).